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Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda (Open Media Series) Taschenbuch – 3. September 2002
Kaufoptionen und Plus-Produkte
- Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe112 Seiten
- SpracheEnglisch
- HerausgeberSeven Stories Press
- Erscheinungstermin3. September 2002
- Abmessungen12.75 x 0.89 x 17.75 cm
- ISBN-101583225366
- ISBN-13978-1583225363
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- Herausgeber : Seven Stories Press; 2nd ed Edition (3. September 2002)
- Sprache : Englisch
- Taschenbuch : 112 Seiten
- ISBN-10 : 1583225366
- ISBN-13 : 978-1583225363
- Abmessungen : 12.75 x 0.89 x 17.75 cm
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 194,854 in Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Bücher)
- Nr. 94 in Fachbücher Kommunikationswissenschaft
- Nr. 174 in Bürgerrechte
- Nr. 520 in US-amerikanische Politik (Bücher)
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Derzeit tritt ein Problem beim Filtern der Rezensionen auf. Bitte versuche es später erneut.
Zum einen geht es darum was Demokratie sein sollte und was sie wirklich ist. Laut Schulbuch sollte Demokratie es den Menschen/Massen ermöglichen, sich einzubringen und mitzugestalten. In der Realität ist das, was Chomsky bereits 1991 beschreibt offenkundig geworden "the public must be barred from managing of their own affairs and the means of information must be kept narrowly and rigidly controlled." p10.
Ja, die Filterfunktion der Medien, die sie so gerne verneinen. Die Medien berichten, was "berichtenswert" ist, fragmentieren die Informationen und framen sie. Haben sie schon immer getan, nur jetzt merken es die Menschen langsam, weil diese Manipulationsmechanismen seit einigen Jahren in den Schulen gelehrt werden.
der Ursprung des Propagandajournalismus, wie wir ihn seit einigen Jahren sehr offensichtlich bemerken (in Deutschland das erste Mal sehr unangenehm bei den Hatz Reformen und der privaten Rentenvorsorge) findet sich in der Creel Commission, die mit diesen Methoden die pazifistischen Amerikaner in den ersten und zweiten Weltkrieg manipulierten.
Denn um von inneren Problemen (Arbeitslosikeit, Wohnungsnot, Armut) abzulenken, braucht es einen äußeren Feind, der das Volk verbündet. Erst war es die Red Scare (p. 12), dann die undefinierte Terrorgefahr durch irgendwelche Drittweltstaaten.
Die Methode ist einfach. "when supported by the educated classes and when no deviation is permittet from it... " (p 13). Mausfeld nennt es die Einschränkung des Diskussionsraumes. Nur eine sehr enge Diskussiongrundlage gilt als vernünftig, alles außerhalb ist Extremismus. Die schmale Pfad wird von TUIs festgelegt.
Ziel: "We'll drive the stupid masses toward a world that they're too dumb to understand for themselves". Diese Sichtweise von Walter Lippmann ist auch heute in den Eliten noch sehr verbreitet. Man geht also davon aus, dass 99% der Menschen ohnehin zu doof sind, um das (für die Eliten) richtige zu tun.
Schon 1991 sagt Chomsky, dass die Demokratie letzendlich nur noch auf die Wahl einer Elite, die führt, reduziert wurde. Mal darf man aus dem einen Elitenpool wählen, mal aus dem anderen. Ändern kann man dadurch aber nichts. (p17).
Es geht in diesem Buch auch um die Mohawk Valley formula, um Streicks zu brechen. Die Streikenden werden einfach als nicht wir deklariert und so diffamiert. Hat man in Deutschland so mit den streikenden Bahnern versucht. Die bösen, bösen Bahner wollen mehr Geld und ich kann daher nicht zur Arbeit. So eine Unverschämtheit.
Es geht um den amerikanischhen Exzeptionalismus. Alles, was die USA tut ist per se gut, per eigener Definition. Wenn sie Foltern, ist das notwendig. Wenn die USA Terroranschhläge verüben, ist das zum Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung des angegriffenen Landes. Das, was wir täglich in den Medien so mitbekommen. Was bei den einen verurteilt wird, ist gut, wenn wir es tun. Terror verüben nur die anderen an uns. Das Konzept der "anderen" eben, das hier angewandt wird. Beispiele sind hier Iraq, Iran (und das Irgnorieren das Iranischen Opposition und deren Wünsche).
Es geht um die Heuchlerei der "westlichen Wertegemeinschaft". Das Messen nach zweierlei Maß, (Quod licet Iovi, non licet bovi). "It's terrorism if they do it to us. When we do much worse to them, it's not terrorism." (p. 93) Terrorismus ist somit deiktisch, hat also eine eingebaute Richtung.
Das Buch ist sehr modern in vielerlei Hinsicht.
Die angesprochenen Themen mügen 1991 subversiv und anarchistisch gewesen sein. Heute, 2019 sind sie DAS Mainstreamthema bezüglich Presse. Die Mechanismen, die beschrieben werden, erklären das Rezo Phänomen. Er unterläuft alle politischen Schutzmechanismen, die die Politik in den Medien installiert hat und bringt sie so aus der Fassung, denn das tut die Presse halt nicht.
Das erklärt, warum die Politk so hilflos gegenüber neuen, kleinen Parteien ist. Das Internet unterläuft die Elitenschutzmechhanismen, denn nun werden auch Volksverträter gewählt, die nicht aus den Pool der vorselektierten Eliten sind.
Auch stilistisch ist das Buch sehr einfach und sehr plakativ geschrieben. Ich würde es als Bloggerstil beschreiben. Er schreibt, wie man zu einem Teenager sprechen würde. In einfachen worden. Kurzen Sätzen und vielen Wiederholungen der wichtigen Punkte.
So gesehen ist der Text, aufgrund des einfachen Englisch, auch für die Oberstufe zum Thema Medien geeignet.
Die Politiker reden also immer nur so, als ob alle politischen Entscheidungen auf ihrem Mist gewachsen sind, dabei werden sie den Politikern eingetrichtert. Doch es kommt noch schlimmer: damit das Volk glaubt, es würde in einer Demokratie leben, lässt man es regelmäßig wählen.
Dabei kann es sein, dass sich die unterschiedlichsten Politiker gegenüber stehen, doch finanziert und geführt werden beide Politiker von derselben Macht. Und so gaukelt man den Wählern Freiheit und freie Auswahl vor, dabei steht dasselbe Produkt nur in unterschiedlicher Verpackung auf dem Wahlzettel.
Der Ausspruch "In der Politik geschieht nichts zufällig. Wenn etwas geschieht, dann kannst Du einen darauf lassen, dass es genau so geplant wurde." bekommt da einmal mehr die offizielle Bestätigung des wohl bekanntesten Berater der US-Präsidenten.
Auch wenn ich den Inhalt interessant und gut finde, so zieht einen das Gefühl der Machtlosigkeit sehr herunter. Lesenswert, aber frustrierend!
Eine Lektion darüber, warum wir Medieninformation, die wir für selbstverständlich halten, eigentlich kritisch behandelt werden müsste.
Öffnet Perspektiven darüber, wie Medien die Geschichte neu, aber mit ideologischen Bestimmungen, schreiben, und wie unsere moralische Haltung - insb. unsere Meinung darüber, wer auf der geopolitischen Szene gut und böse ist - dadurch gebildet wird.
Kommen manche Stellungnahmen nicht total unparteiisch vor, so soll das Buch selbst auch kritisch gelesen werden, also Ideologien nicht durch anderen ersetzt werden.
Spitzenrezensionen aus anderen Ländern
Chomsky relates two types of democracy - one where the majority of people are politically active participants, heard, listened and considered. The other, which is what we have, is a vanguard or specialized class of representatives that do the voicing for everyone - the only participation of the public during their elections. And this is what has been both in Lenin's and U.S. liberal's idea; that of a specialized vanguard political and business class endorsed to protect the bewildered public who simply can't think for themselves. In this, modern U.S. propaganda had its beginning with Woodrow Wilson's Creel Commission and later Red Scare.
While former tactics used have been the Creel Commission and the Red Scare, attacks are still used unions and all political organizations with the separating and isolating of people; distracting them with consumerism, TV sitcoms and the Superbowl - to name only a few. Also the use of catchy and empty phrases as "Do you support the," and "Are you for or against." This is used along with many superficial forms of entertainment, gossip columns, sporting events and many other diversions. The bottom line is a One party system, a One business system, with two divisions of the same party - the Democrats and Republicans.
While these distractions and attacks on unions and political organizations have been very successful, they have not broken up the Churches, which act as the few places left for organization and political speeches against propaganda. An example is the recognition that war is wrong, while the government calls those against the Vietnam War part of a Vietnam syndrome, weak and sickly persons.
You name it - the Middle East, Central America, National terrorism - it's all been lied upon by our media and governmental official history, including the number killed in Vietnam, declaring less than a million Vietnamese, while other sources reveal millions. What do we think when other countries and groups lie about the amount of people murdered in the Holocaust?
It was only until the 1960's that the culture awakened unlike before. Even in highly prejudice and opinionated parts of the country, open talks can now be given. Where formerly there was both the lack of understanding and opposition, now there is still opposition but with much more understanding and at least some type of semi-organizational national movements despite all the media propaganda.
In our recent times with unemployment raised, lower wages, loss of health care affordability, dwindling social security, and much more poverty than before, the sitcoms, consumerism and the Superbowl are not enough. The tactics needed are to continually create new enemies to fight, new terror to control and general fear within the public; as in Saddam Hussein, Bin Laden, Castro, Quadhafi, drug traffickers, Arabs - all with our magnificent military force that wipes out these supposed tyrannies - in reality they are weak third world armies - all acting as distractions and diversions from the real truth; U.S. imperialism and abuse of labor and natural resources by the few powerful and wealthy. Cuba is likely to be next. In an effort to gain control over labor and natural resources and prevent economic independence, the strategy is to first provoke them. And then when they act under defense, they are set-up under the lie of offence as reported by the media, demanding that we defend and brilliantly crush them under patriotic morals and values. "God Bless America." Now we can all relax with a sigh of relief now that this terrible dictatorial tyranny has been eliminated and decent human rights and values have been restored.
9. While the media widely publicized the jail and torture of the former Cuban prisoner, Armando Valladares, and the U.S. both commending him for his courage and then appointing him as a representative of the UN human rights commission, a much more detailed, mountainous evidence of signed affidavits of human rights commission members in El Salvador imprisoned and tortured by the U.S., and acquired by Hebert Anaya were entirely ignored by the media. Only one small blurb mentioned. And when finally released from prison, he was quietly assassinated by U.S. backed security forces.
People who were polled responded against countries that occupy others illegally and perform human rights abuses. And yet all over the globe, both the U.S. and U.S. backed forces do just that, an example being the U.S. backed invasion, torture and killings of Indonesia to those in East Timor, killing over 200,000, while the media remains silent. And while Israel occupies Lebanon illegally against UN resolution 425, with U.S. backing, killing over 20,000 in Beirut, hospitals and vital centers, there is no media coverage.
Over the years, the media refused to report to the public the critical voices of the Iraqi democrats around the world since they condemned the U.S. friendly relations with Saddam Hussein. Only after Saddam became the enemy were their voices given any coverage. But no sooner did they voice their antiwar sentiments and opinion against imperialistic maneuvers; they were again completely ignored by the media. You can only read about them in some of the German and British press. What does this say of our democracy?
Chomsky gives the reasons U.S. gave for the Gulf War; Aggressors can not be rewarded and must be reversed by violence. And yet the U.S. does this all the time and no one questions their aggressions, as in their 20 years of quiet diplomacy (no attack) of South Africa's killings, 1.5 million in just the Bush-Reagan years. Again no media coverage, a hallmark sign of a totalitarian and bias culture.
While two-thirds of Americans polled favored peace negotiations with Iraq, the media continued to drill the government's view of no diplomacy. Meanwhile Iraq had offered total withdrawal, and again no coverage. Any who thought of negotiations were made to feel like oddballs since the media shows that no one thinks this way. And no Democrat dared speak up either.
While the U.S. blocks sanctions against Israel for her defying the UN in illegally occupying Lebanon since 1978, it hypocritically employs sanctions against Cuba and Iraq. And these have worked, weakening Iraq tremendously. Negotiations are offered by Iraq, but Bush refuses for the same economic exploitative reasons in a small country torn by a war with Iran. And now suddenly it is a dangerous power that threatens the entire world with lies about stockpiles of chemical weapons and WMD. The same exact tactics were used only a year earlier on Nicaragua's Manual Noriega, deceptively elevated to a large and dangerous drug trafficking threat to the world. But he had to be smashed, killing hundreds, maybe thousands of people, and restoring a vicious police state. History repeats itself.
It's all about whether we want a pseudo democracy of representatives and servitude or a free democracy of active citizen participation. These are our choices.
"Media Control" is both brief and informative. The great thing about thi book is you can apply the concepts to instances in the past and present. The omniscient and omnipotent media. It dictates what most of us discuss at the dinner table, or over a cup of coffee or beer. The topics at hand are spoon-fed to us, and often our very own opinions are spoon-fed to us also. Often, we get a narrow pre-defined "choice" of 2 positions to take on these complicated topics. Often the two positions are oversimplified and more nuanced than actually opposing one another. These issues and circumstances are not that simple. But the media constructs and defines the parameters, simplifies and narrows them, and dishes them out to the public. This is the narrow field of play the mainstream media hands to us. We sheepishly accept it, often without being aware of it nor critically thinking about it. Our opinions on these chosen topics are often limited.
"Media Control" is applicable for the past, present, and future. The rules basically stay the same.
"Not every item of news should be published. Rather must those who control news policies endeavor to make every item of news serve a certain purpose."
-Joseph Goebbels
"It is the absolute right of the state to supervise the formation of public opinion." -Joseph Goebbels
Recent real-life instances of "Media Control" include Freedom Fries, pre-emptive attacks, war-mongering, PNAC, and the Neo-con fad that has infiltrated the US government via appointments, and influenced the US public in recent years: A high percentage of the American public according to polling data is not interested in attacking and overthrowing governments in foreign countries. Therefore, the public has to be influenced, excited, and engineered to endorse such endeavors. Fear is the best motivator to influence public opinion.
One example cited among many was the American public's perception and belief that Iraq would invade the United States. Iraqi armed forces landing on the shores of New Jersey or California? Imagine that. The Americans had to "fight them [the Sunnis) on their soil or they'd have to fight them on our soil." 7/10 American polled believe Iraq & Hussein were involved in 9-11 during the media onslaught that began with Judith Miller of the NY Times and the GWB administration. The Iraq conflict is near (perhaps) the end of US troop involvement, but it's a great illustraion of Media Control.
Another example from this book is former Panamanian ally, Manuel Noriega: a small time operator that dealt drugs in cooperation with the US the government, until he fell out of favor. Noriega was made larger than life. Made into a caricature of a dangerous thug. A threat. The USA removed him and restored power to the 8% white minority elite, having U.S. military officers in positions throughout the government.
Before this in the 1980s, there was the Emergency Threat to the United States: Latin American, Lessor Developed Countries, with ill-trained, and ill-equipped armies.
Ironically, the Creel Commission (CPI) is noted in "Media Control," and appriately so. The Creel Commission was a propaganda campaign to get the USA involved in WWI. It's widely considered by historians to be the center of the creation of the Public Relations (PR) industry.
The media is all-powerful. The thoughts most think, the tenets most believed in, and the words people say, are the words of others.
Highly recommended.
If you're not too familiar with Chomsky's essentially leftist-radical political views or his prolific anti-imperialist literary output and want a quick taster before investing more time reading his deeper and more detailed works, "Media Control" might be a good primer. This brief, 100-page tract is more an extended essay or pamphlet than a book.
The writing style is very simple and accessible even to the non-literate reader (perhaps the intended audience). Chomsky lays out his thinking on media control and how public consent is intentionally manufactured in "democracies" where more subtle methods need to be employed than are available to leaders of openly totalitarian states. The tract does unfortunately read like a propagandist rant against the history of US foreign military interventions, and makes the point over and again that the US proves itself to be a terror state where public opinion is manipulated through media control in order to tame the population into support for said interventions. Chomsky rails against the terror-politics of successive US administrations, and discourses on the use of the term "terrorism" by the "elitist media machine" and what, in practice, it ought to mean.
The final 30 pages are devoted to how a "journalist from Mars" might see what's really happening in America and on the rest of the planet, and how they might report it. It's not original, of course, and loses its way from time to time, but mostly it works well.
So: "Media Control" is a fast read of maybe an hour or two of your time to gain a handle on the thought process and philosophy of one of the most important, original and controversial thinkers of the past 50 years: a useful sampler for those who may wish to enquire deeper.







