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Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (Englisch) Audio-CD – Audiobook, Ungekürzte Ausgabe

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"Should be required reading for politicians and anyone concerned with economic development." —Jared Diamond, New York Review of Books

"...bracing, garrulous, wildly ambitious and ultimately hopeful. It may, in fact, be a bit of a masterpiece."Washington Post

“For economics and political-science students, surely, but also for the general reader who will appreciate how gracefully the authors wear their erudition.”Kirkus Reviews
“Provocative stuff; backed by lots of brain power.”Library Journal

“This is an intellectually rich book that develops an important thesis with verve. It should be widely read.”Financial Times

“A probing . . . look at the roots of political and economic success . . . large and ambitious new book.” The Daily

Why Nations Fail is a splendid piece of scholarship and a showcase of economic rigor.” —The Wall Street Journal

"Ranging from imperial Rome to modern Botswana, this book will change the way people think about the wealth and poverty of nations...as ambitious as Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs, and Steel."
Bloomberg BusinessWeek

“The main strength of this book is beyond the power of summary: it is packed, from beginning to end, with historical vignettes that are both erudite and fascinating. As Jared Diamond says on the cover: 'It will make you a spellbinder at parties.' But it will also make you think.” —The  Observer (UK)

"A brilliant book.” Bloomberg (Jonathan Alter)

Why Nations Fail is a wildly ambitious work that hopscotches through history and around the world to answer the very big question of why some countries get rich and others don’t.” The New York Times (Chrystia Freeland)

"Why Nations Failis a truly awesome book. Acemoglu and Robinson tackle one of the most important problems in the social sciences—a question that has bedeviled leading thinkers for centuries—and offer an answer that is brilliant in its simplicity and power. A wonderfully readable mix of history, political science, and economics, this book will change the way we think about economic development. Why Nations Fail is a must-read book." —Steven Levitt, coauthor of Freakonomics

"You will have three reasons to love this book. It’s about national income differences within the modern world, perhaps the biggest problem facing the world today. It’s peppered with fascinating stories that will make you a spellbinder at cocktail parties—such as why Botswana is prospering and Sierra Leone isn’t. And it’s a great read. Like me, you may succumb to reading it in one go, and then you may come back to it again and again." —Jared Diamond, Pulitzer Prize–winning author of the bestsellers Guns, Germs, and Steel and Collapse

"A compelling and highly readable book. And [the] conclusion is a cheering one: the authoritarian ‘extractive’ institutions like the ones that drive growth in China today are bound to run out of steam. Without the inclusive institutions that first evolved in the West, sustainable growth is impossible, because only a truly free society can foster genuine innovation and the creative destruction that is its corollary." —Niall Ferguson, author of The Ascent of Money

"Some time ago a little-known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail. The Wealth of Nations is still being read today. With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have retackled this same question for our own times. Two centuries from now our great-great- . . . -great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail." —George Akerlof, Nobel laureate in economics, 2001

"Why Nations Fail is so good in so many ways that I despair of listing them all. It explains huge swathes of human history. It is equally at home in Asia, Africa and the Americas. It is fair to left and right and every flavor in between. It doesn’t pull punches but doesn’t insult just to gain attention. It illuminates the past as it gives us a new way to think about the present. It is that rare book in economics that convinces the reader that the authors want the best for ordinary people. It will provide scholars with years of argument and ordinary readers with years of did-you-know-that dinner conversation. It has some jokes, which are always welcome. It is an excellent book and should be purchased forthwith, so to encourage the authors to keep working." —Charles C. Mann, author of 1491 and 1493

“Imagine sitting around a table listening to Jared Diamond, Joseph Schumpeter, and James Madison reflect on over two thousand years of political and economic history.  Imagine that they weave their ideas into a coherent theoretical framework based on limiting extraction, promoting creative destruction, and creating strong political institutions that share power and you begin to see the contribution of this brilliant and engagingly written book.” —Scott E. Page, University of Michigan and Santa Fre Institute

“This fascinating and readable book centers on the complex joint evolution of political and economic institutions, in good directions and bad. It strikes a delicate balance between the logic of political and economic behavior and the shifts in direction created by contingent historical events, large and small at ‘critical junctures.' Acemoglu and Robinson provide an enormous range of historical examples to show how such shifts can tilt toward favorable institutions, progressive innovation and economic success or toward repressive institutions and eventual decay or stagnation. Somehow they can generate both excitement and reflection.” —Robert Solow, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1987

“It’s the politics, stupid! That is Acemoglu and Robinson’s simple yet compelling explanation for why so many countries fail to develop. From the absolutism of the Stuarts to the antebellum South, from Sierra Leone to Colombia, this magisterial work shows how powerful elites rig the rules to benefit themselves at the expense of the many.  Charting a careful course between the pessimists and optimists, the authors demonstrate history and geography need not be destiny. But they also document how sensible economic ideas and policies often achieve little in the absence of fundamental political change.”—Dani Rodrik, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

“Two of the world’s best and most erudite economists turn to the hardest  issue of all: why are some nations poor and others rich? Written with a deep knowledge of economics and political history, this is perhaps the most powerful statement made to date that ‘institutions matter.’  A provocative, instructive, yet thoroughly enthralling book.” —Joel Mokyr, Robert H. Strotz Professor of Arts and Sciences and Professor of Economics and History, Northwestern University

“A brilliant and uplifting book—yet also a deeply disturbing wake-up call. Acemoglu and Robinson lay out a convincing theory of almost everything to do with economic development. Countries rise when they put in place the right pro-growth political institutions and they fail—often spectacularly—when those institutions ossify or fail to adapt.  Powerful people always and everywhere seek to grab complete control over government, undermining broader social progress for their own greed. Keep those people in check with effective democracy or watch your nation fail.” —Simon Johnson, co-author of 13 Bankers and professor at MIT Sloan

“This important and insightful book, packed with historical examples, makes the case that inclusive political institutions in support of inclusive economic institutions is key to sustained prosperity. The book reviews how some good regimes got launched and then had a virtuous spiral, while bad regimes remain in a vicious spiral.  This is important analysis not to be missed.” —Peter Diamond, Nobel Laureate in Economics
“Acemoglu and Robinson have made an important contribution to the debate as to why similar-looking nations differ so greatly in their economic and political development. Through a broad multiplicity of historical examples, they show how institutional developments, sometimes based on very accidental circumstances, have had enormous consequences. The openness of a society, its willingness to permit creative destruction, and the rule of  appear to be decisive for economic development.” —Kenneth Arrow, Professor Emeritus, Stanford University, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1972
“Acemoglu and Robinson—two of the world's leading experts on development—reveal why it is not geography, disease, or culture which explains why some nations are rich and some poor, but rather a matter of institutions and politics. This highly accessible book provides welcome insight to specialists and general readers alike.” —Francis Fukuyama, author of The End of History and the Last Man and The Origins of Political Order

“Some time ago a little known Scottish philosopher wrote a book on what makes nations succeed and what makes them fail.  The Wealth of Nations is still being read today.  With the same perspicacity and with the same broad historical perspective, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have re-tackled this same question for our own times.  Two centuries from now our great-great-…-great grandchildren will be, similarly, reading Why Nations Fail.” —George Akerlof, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001
“In this stunningly wide ranging book Acemoglu and Robinson ask a simple but vital question, why do some nations become rich and others remain poor?  Their answer is also simplebecause some polities develop more inclusive political institutions.  What is remarkable about the book is the crispness and clarity of the writing, the elegance of the argument, and the remarkable richness of historical detail.  This book is a must read at a moment where governments right across the western world must come up with the political will to deal with a debt crisis of unusual proportions.” —Steve Pincus, Bradford Durfee Professor of History and International and Area Studies, Yale University
“The authors convincingly show that countries escape poverty only when they have appropriate economic institutions, especially private property and competition. More originally, they argue countries are more likely to develop the right institutions when they have an open pluralistic political system with competition for political office, a widespread electorate, and openness to new political leaders. This intimate connection between political and economic institutions is the heart of their major contribution, and has resulted in a study of great vitality on one of the crucial questions in economics and political economy.” — Gary S. Becker, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 1992
“This not only a fascinating and interesting book: it is a really important one.  The highly original research that Professors Acemoglu and Robinson have done, and continue to do,  on how economic forces, politics and policy choices evolve together and constrain each other, and how institutions affect that evolution, is essential to understanding the successes and failures of societies and nations.  And here, in this book, these insights come in a highly accessible, indeed riveting form.  Those who pick this book up and start reading will have trouble putting it down.” ¯Michael Spence, Nobel Laureate in Economics, 2001

"In this delightfully readable romp through 400 years of  history, two of the giants of contemporary social science bring us an inspiring and important message: it is freedom that makes the world rich. Let tyrants everywhere tremble!" —Ian Morris, Stanford University, author of Why the West Rules – For Now

“Acemoglu and Robinson pose the fundamental question concerning the development of the bottom billion. Their answers are profound, lucid, and convincing.” ―Paul Collier, Professor of Economics, Oxford University, and author of The Bottom Billion

Über den Autor und weitere Mitwirkende

DARON ACEMOGLU is the Killian Professor of Economics at MIT. In 2005 he received the John Bates Clark Medal awarded to economists under forty judged to have made the most significant contribution to economic thought and knowledge.

JAMES A. ROBINSON, a political scientist and an economist, is the David Florence Professor of Government at Harvard University. A world-renowned expert on Latin America and Africa, he has worked in Botswana, Mauritius, Sierra Leone, and South Africa.



Format: Gebundene Ausgabe Verifizierter Kauf
The central thesis of the book is quite simple: Prosperity is achieved when economical institutions are inclusive (allowing all citizens to participate and compete in markets under fair conditions) These inclusive economic institutions require inclusive political institutions, which allow different groups to participate in the political decision-making process. If that is not the case, if small elites are allowed to dominate politics, then they will manipulate economic institutions to their own benefit, extracting wealth from the other groups. Hence the labelling of these institutions as extractive. This thesis is elaborated on the 460 pages of the book, and the historical pathways of different societies leading to either inclusive or extractive institutions are analyzed.
Examples acrually range from England to Kongo, from Australia to Argentina, from the old Maya Civilisation to modern day China. It is a dizzying array of examples, and occasionally one has the feeling that the historical events described in the book must have been more complex Therefore occasionally I have wondered whether these events really fit so perfectly into the line of arguments, which the authors have developed.
And while they describe quite well what they understand as inclusive economic institutions (property rights, market access, 'level playing field' etc.) the definition of inclusive institutions remains a bit hazy. It's not democracy, but 'pluralism', 19th century Japan qualifies, Argentina does not.
ButI found it a very interesting and thought-provoking book, which I wholeheartedly recommend. As somebody who is working in the field of development I find it lamentable that development orthodoxy since the Eighties is completely dominated by economic prescriptions (which hardly have worked).
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Format: Gebundene Ausgabe Verifizierter Kauf
Ein mutiger neuer erklarungsansatz für missglückte Staaten, der gründlich mit den bisherigen Determinanten Religion, Kultur, Wetter oder Klima aufräumt und deutlich macht, dass Institutionen über wohl und wehe des Wohlstands entscheiden. Inklusive, d. H. Offene politische Systeme mit klaren geistigen und materiellen Eigentumsrechten sorgen für "inklusive" und damit wohlstandssteigernde wirtschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen.

Kultur als Determinante - widerlegt durch Korea und eine mexikanisch amerikanische doppelstadt und ihre jeweiligen leistungsunterschiede. Religion, protestantische Ethik? Auch Singapur ist ohne Protestantismus aufgestiegen, Südkorea, Taiwan ebenso. Der allen scheiternden Staaten gemeinsame Nenner ist die "extraktive" Wirtschaftsordnung, der Verzicht auf anreize für die Leistungen der eigenen arbeit. Was sich wie der empirische Beweis der Richtigkeit der Thesen Francis fukuyamas liest, trägt die Warnung in sich, dass auch die liberale Demokratie am Ende der Geschichte "Extraktive", leistungshemmende und wohlstandsmindernde systemische Ansätze bilden kann.

Mit Sicherheit ist den Autoren mit dem Begriffspaar extraktiv/inklusive ein großer Wurf gelungen, der deutlich mehr trennscharfe aufweist als bisherige unabhängige Variablen - nur ganz neutralisieren lassen sich kulturelle und religiöse Einflüsse nicht, da sie auf die ordnenden Institutionen rückkoppeln.
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The book by Acemoglu and Robinson is inspiring, eye- and mind opening, especially for those not yet familiar with the idea of institutions structuring human societies and development. The book is very rich of historical examples underlining the theory of extractive and inclusive institutions, leading to either prosperity or failure of nations. After reading the book, which is recommended, one sees the world in a different way and one becomes aware of extractive institutions nearly everywhere: Bangladeshi workers in the garment factories, the domestic workers, the agricultural laborers, children working for little or no wages, generally poverty and environmental destruction ' all are the result of extractive institutions.
The problem is that the institutional theory is rather broad and every example provided by the authors can also be explained entirely by extractive institutions only ' also the success of the developed and democratic nations. Another problem is that the authors cannot draw a clear line between extractive institutions and inclusive institutions. But that is not so much a problem created by the authors as it lies in the nature of institutions: Every type of institution always includes some and excludes others because institutions are specific with regards to whom the apply. What is also outstanding is the neglect to reflect on the institutions in place in the USA and other developed nations, which may have the most extractive institutions of all nations today.
Let us set up a counter-hypothesis: only extractive institutions are at play and explain economic growth ' on different levels of society, by different actors, and by different numbers of actors with more or less privileges and power.
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In diesem Buch geht es darum, wie die politische Ausrichtung eines Landes dessen wirtschaftlichen Erfolg bestimmt (und umgekehrt). Es gibt zwei Leitmotive:

BETEILIGUNG: In einer Demokratie hat jeder politische Rechte und in einer Marktwirtschaft gibt es keine Privilegien. Gewinner und Verlierer im politischen und wirtschaftlichen Bereich stehen nicht langfristig fest; Wandel ist möglich. Damit Wandel möglich ist, muss der Staat für Eigentumsrechte, Wettbewerb, Bildung, Sicherheit und Infrastruktur sorgen.

AUSBEUTUNG: Hier dient der Staat nur dazu, der herrschenden Elite zu Wohlstand zu verhelfen. Deshalb ist der wirtschaftliche Bereich durch Korruption, Privilegien und Monopole gekennzeichnet. Wandel ist nur durch eine (gewaltsame) Revolution möglich. Aber auch das nützt meist nur wenigen, weil in der Regel nur der Ausbeuter ausgetauscht wird.

Warum gibt es dann Staaten, die ihre Bevölkerung in Armut halten? Weil dies den herrschenden Eliten nützt.

Frühere Erklärungen für Armut und Reichtum der Nationen (Geographie, Wetter, Bodenschätze, Kultur) gelten zumindest in der modernen Welt nicht mehr. Heute bestimmt die Politik, wie die Wirtschaft funktioniert. Dabei werden oft bestehende Verhältnisse (z. B. aus der Kolonialzeit) einfach übernommen, was die Armut endemisch macht.

Positive Beispiele sind die westlichen Industriestaaten; negative Beispiele findet man in Afrika und Lateinamerika. Ausbeuterische Systeme können kurzfristig Wirtschaftswachstum bringen; langfristig sind nur Marktwirtschaften erfolgreich. Entwicklungshilfe hilft nur den herrschenden Eliten und verbessert den allgemeinen Lebensstandard nicht.
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