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Suicide of the West: How the Rebirth of Tribalism, Populism, Nationalism, and Identity Politics is Destroying American Democracy Gebundene Ausgabe – 24. April 2018
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“Epic and debate-shifting.”—David Brooks, New York Times
Only once in the last 250,000 years have humans stumbled upon a way to lift ourselves out of the endless cycle of poverty, hunger, and war that defines most of history. If democracy, individualism, and the free market were humankind’s destiny, they should have appeared and taken hold a bit earlier in the evolutionary record. The emergence of freedom and prosperity was nothing short of a miracle.
As Americans we are doubly blessed, because the radical ideas that made the miracle possible were written not just into the Constitution but in our hearts, laying the groundwork for our uniquely prosperous society. Those ideas are:
• Our rights come from God, not from the government.
• The government belongs to us; we do not belong to it.
• The individual is sovereign. We are all captains of our own souls, not bound by the circumstances of our birth.
• The fruits of our labors belong to us.
In the last few decades, these political virtues have been turned into vices. As we are increasingly taught to view our traditions as a system of oppression, exploitation, and privilege, the principles of liberty and the rule of law are under attack from left and right. For the West to survive, we must renew our sense of gratitude for what our civilization has given us and rediscover the ideals and habits of the heart that led us out of the bloody muck of the past—or back to the muck we will go.
- Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe464 Seiten
- SpracheEnglisch
- HerausgeberCrown Forum
- Erscheinungstermin24. April 2018
- Abmessungen15.88 x 4.45 x 24.13 cm
- ISBN-101101904933
- ISBN-13978-1101904930
Produktbeschreibungen
Pressestimmen
—Brad Thor, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Spymaster
“Jonah Goldberg’s Suicide of the West is a tour de force. As ever, Goldberg wears his extraordinary erudition lightly as he demonstrates how the ideas that have animated free societies for the past 250 years are the greatest creations of humankind—and how we are imperiling our posterity by the way we mishandle, ignore, and belittle them. This is a very important book.”
—John Podhoretz, Editor, Commentary Magazine
“When future archeologists are digging through our ruins and asking, as they will ask, ‘What the hell were they thinking?’ I hope they come upon a copy of Suicide of the West, and that it is only slightly charred from the bonfire into which the mad idiot ideologues of our time are sure to cast it.”
—Kevin Williamson, National Review correspondent
“Populism and identity politics are not just unpleasant; they are an existential threat to the American way of life. With characteristic wit and erudition, Jonah Goldberg argues that if you value democracy and a free society, you must stand against ideological tribalism, no matter what your politics. Suicide of the West raises an alarm everyone needs to hear, and makes clear the path we need to take.”
—Arthur C. Brooks, President of the American Enterprise Institute
“Understanding where America stands calls for someone with an intellectual lens that can integrate Schumpeter and Fight Club, Karl Marx and Walter White. In Suicide of the West, Jonah Goldberg begins with a compelling thesis, expounds it with massive evidence, and led me to a new and deeper understanding of our predicament. And yet I found myself reading the book for fun. How is it possible with a book this serious? Jonah Goldberg is that good.”
—Charles Murray, author of Coming Apart
“No book better explains this perilous American moment than Jonah Goldberg's Suicide of the West. Deeply researched, beautifully written and brilliantly argued, Goldberg uses trademark logic and humor to explain how the 'miracle' of liberal democracy and capitalism created the conditions for Western thriving and how complacence about the system could hasten its collapse. Equal parts history and polemic, Suicide of the West is a bracing and necessary reminder that the success of the West is neither accidental nor inevitable. It will be one of the most important books of the year.”
—Steve Hayes, Editor-in-Chief of The Weekly Standard and a Fox News Contributor
“That’s what I appreciate about the book…it makes me think, it engages in ideas, and fundamentally what the book is saying is: Don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater.”
—Trevor Noah, “The Daily Show”
“This is the book of the year.”
—New York Post
“It is indeed a serious book with perhaps the rarest of things: the potential to change your mind on any number of subjects. That it is written with great good humor and some laugh out loud moments should not disguise that it is very serious and very important.”
—Hugh Hewitt
“…an important exploration of why we’re giving up the philosophy that built the modern West.”
—Ben Shapiro
“Progressives and conservatives will have their disputes with this book, but the conversations are well worth having.”
—Library Journal (starred review)
"[Suicide of the West] makes a simple, vitally important argument about gratitude and perpetuation. And it synthesizes the research and theories of dozens of sociologists, historians, and economists in a new and helpful way. If Suicide of the West—like Goldberg’s first book, the bestseller Liberal Fascism—comes to be so widely read and debated that it shapes the public understanding of its subject, we will be much better off for it.
—The Weekly Standard
“…ambitious, engrossing, and provocative…splendid.”
—Commentary magazine
Über den Autor und weitere Mitwirkende
Leseprobe. Abdruck erfolgt mit freundlicher Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber. Alle Rechte vorbehalten.
1
Human Nature
Our Inner Tribesman
Human nature is real. Few statements are less controversial among the people who study the subject and more controversial among people who don’t.
It is fair to say that no reputable psychologist, neuroscientist, linguist (including Noam Chomsky), or economist disputes the fact that human beings come preloaded with a great deal of software. Indeed, the fashionable metaphor today is not software but “apps”--as in the applications we have on our smartphones. Different situations trigger different apps, and sometimes these apps can be in conflict.
All of the serious debates about nature versus nurture start with the premise that there is already a lot built into our nature. The only question is what we can add on top of nature or what apps we can override. Think of a car. We all generally agree that a car comes with an engine, four wheels, and a steering wheel. These things come standard. That’s nature. Nurture provides the options, and there are a great many options. But no matter how many add-ons you buy, a car is not going to be a helicopter.
In his enlightening book Just Babies: The Origins of Good and Evil, psychologist Paul Bloom chronicles a remarkable number of experiments conducted on infants and toddlers. (Rest assured: No babies were harmed in the process.) He demonstrates that babies as young as six months already come preloaded with a number of psychological traits that suggest an innate moral sense. For instance, infants between six and ten months old were shown puppet plays. One puppet would be trying to get up a hill. Another puppet would either come to the hill-climbing puppet’s aid or it would get in the way, stymieing the climber’s efforts. Afterward, the babies were given a choice between the mean puppet and the nice puppet. The babies almost uniformly preferred the nice puppet over the jackass puppet. When a similar study was performed with twenty-month-old toddlers, the kids would reward the nice puppet with candy and punish the bad puppet by taking its candy away.1 Other studies confirm that we are all born with some very basic programming about empathy, altruism, cooperation, and other moral intuitions.
Bloom takes great care in pointing out that, just because we are born with a kind of moral sense, that doesn’t mean we are therefore moral. Rather, we are born with moral taste buds. How we use them depends on the environment we grow up in and, crucially, how we define “morality.”
One of the most important findings of not just Bloom but thousands of researchers across numerous disciplines is that we are all born with a natural distrust of strangers. Very young babies can identify language; their cries even have regional accents. “Young babies can recognize the language that they have been exposed to, and they prefer it to other languages even if it is spoken by a stranger,” Bloom reports. “Experiments that use methodologies in which babies suck on a pacifier to indicate their preferences find that Russian babies prefer to hear Russian, French babies prefer French, American babies prefer English, and so on. This effect shows up mere minutes after birth, suggesting that babies were becoming familiar with those muffled sounds that they heard in the womb” [emphasis mine].2
Interestingly, our brains dedicate an enormous amount of resources to facial recognition. We are born with an intense interest in human faces. No doubt there are many reasons for this. For instance, much early human communication was done nonverbally and that’s still true for humans today, particularly before we learn to speak. One can debate whether reading faces was important in the past or today, but our ability to recognize faces was clearly more vital in the past. Being able to instantly recognize kin or friends from strangers could mean the difference between life and death. (It’s telling that our ability to identify faces is actually much more sophisticated than our ability to verbally articulate the differences between faces. Most of us can instantly distinguish between, say, Matt Damon’s face and Matthew McConaughey’s. But can you instantly explain what makes their faces so different?)
The desire for unity and distrust of strangers are universal human tendencies--but just tendencies. While I don’t think they can be wholly taught out of us, they certainly can be tempered and channeled in productive ways. It is a common cliché among certain tribes of humanists to say something like “There is no race but the human race,” which of course is just a more secular version of “We are all children of God” and similar endearing platitudes. All things being equal, I think this is a benign cliché and worth incorporating into our civilizational dogma. But I should point out that, of all the systems ever created that actually put this belief into practice, none has been more successful on the ground than the market. The market lowers the risk--or “price”--of distrust by letting very different peoples and cultures find common interest.
The distrust of strangers and the craving for unity are important themes in this book, because they illuminate a much broader fact: Ideology is downstream of human nature. Children and adults are constantly told that one needs to be taught to hate. This is laudable nonsense. We are, in a very real sense, born to hate every bit as much as we are born to love. The task of parents, schools, society, and civilization isn’t to teach us not to hate any more than it is to teach us not to love. The role of all of these institutions is to teach what we should or should not hate.
Bloom writes that “just about all the readers of this book believe that it’s wrong to hate someone solely because of the color of his or her skin. But this is a modern insight; for most of human history, nobody saw anything wrong with racism.”3 All good people are supposed to hate evil, but the definition of what constitutes evil is rather expansive across time, and refining the definition of evil is the very essence of what civilizations do.
Every culture ever known has things it hates and things it loves. And every political ideology ever known has some group it considers the Other. The pro-Nazi philosopher Carl Schmitt famously said, “Tell me who your enemy is, and I will tell you who you are.”4 Fascism is supposedly defined by its demonization of “the other.” Obviously, in Nazi Germany, the Other was best represented by the Jew. But communism had its Others too. They went by such names as the bourgeois, or the ruling class, or the kulaks. Contemporary liberalism has a host of Others it hates. We’ve all probably met avowed lovers of tolerance who talk about how much they hate intolerant people--but only certain kinds of intolerant people. I’ve lost count of the number of times I’ve heard people insist that the slightest prejudice against Muslims is evil and then proceed to explain how awful evangelical Christians are.
The anthropologist Richard Shweder compiled a useful list of things that different societies have thought was praiseworthy, neutral, or appalling:
masturbation, homosexuality, sexual abstinence, polygamy, abortion, circumcision, corporal punishment, capital punishment, Islam, Christianity, Judaism, capitalism, democracy, flag burning, miniskirts, long hair, no hair, alcohol consumption, meat eating, medical inoculations, atheism, idol worship, divorce, widow marriage, arranged marriage, romantic love marriage, parents and children sleeping in the same bed, parents and children not sleeping in the same bed, women being allowed to work, women not being allowed to work.5
In other words, the capacity for...
Produktinformation
- Herausgeber : Crown Forum; Illustriert. Edition (24. April 2018)
- Sprache : Englisch
- Gebundene Ausgabe : 464 Seiten
- ISBN-10 : 1101904933
- ISBN-13 : 978-1101904930
- Abmessungen : 15.88 x 4.45 x 24.13 cm
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 1,278,117 in Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Bücher)
- Nr. 6,922 in Politische Ideologien
- Nr. 6,951 in Geschichte der USA (Bücher)
- Nr. 19,705 in Politikwissenschaft (Bücher)
- Kundenrezensionen:
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His main thesis is that the tremendous material and political progress experienced by the world since 1700 is the result of what he calls the miracle of capitalism and Lockean political philosophy. In repeating his reference to "the miracle" he eventually sounds like a Pangloss telling us that this is the best of all possible worlds. I did not find him at all persuasive.
The one great virtue of the book is that it is one of those books you keep arguing with as you are reading it
Spitzenrezensionen aus anderen Ländern


Goldberg`s book outlines the social decay, that is taking place in modern society. The return of tribalism and identity politics is attacking the core fundamental principles of western society. Goldberg steps back in time and reviews, how many of our social customs and laws came into practice. The Locke versus Rousseau arguments was the most enjoyable part of the book. Goldberg then moves on to explain, how these western traditions are now being destroyed.
Many people find it hard to understand, why anti-western sentiment has become so popular. This book outlines how and why this happening. Goldberg concludes; that people need to wake up and realize events are headed in the wrong direction. The conclusion was the weak part of the book. However, the bulk of the book's content was outstanding.

Goldberg is a conservative Enlightenment-liberal capitalist. Neither an admirer of Trump and the alt-right or the progressive left, some will think of him as a traditional conservative and, as such, a rather devout constitutionalist. He rejects both tribal populism and progressive identity politics, although he sees tribalism and the need for identity as hard-wired into our DNA.
It is always dangerous to summarize another person’s thoughts, but that’s what a book review is. Goldberg argues that true human progress only began with the Enlightenment and that it flowed from the adoption of considered thought that runs contrary to all of our natural instincts. It began, organically, with John Locke and the Glorious English Revolution of 1688, and continued, by choice, with the Declaration of Independence, the US Constitution, and the founding of the US.
The challenge facing every student of life, but particularly acute among historians, is the fact that reality is complex. It can be sliced into a large number—some believe infinite—number of dimensions and interconnected variables. (Historians, as Goldberg points out, fall prey to only connecting the dots they expect to see.)
Science and empiricism both help and hinder the process. They help because they provide an objective methodology for isolating variables. They hinder because they require the successful isolation of variables that are causal and not superficially contributory or coincidental.
The key to understanding anything, therefore, is context. Is it truly knowable? Or are we destined to scratch away at the surface? And the answer, of course, depends on whom you ask what.
I don’t refute Goldberg arguments but I do refute some of his conclusions. And the difference in our two views is, in my words, one of context. Ultimately, Goldberg’s arguments, while powerful, strike me as unnecessarily binary. He divides the world of political economy into Locke and Rousseau and, as a result, you are either an empiricist (him) or a romantic (admittedly, me). And he doesn’t mince his words on how he feels about each.
That’s a bit unfair and I am falling into the same trap, although to no more degree than he does, created by the limitations of language. Language is a human convention, after all, and tends, in the interest of efficiency, toward binary expression. Something to always keep in mind when reading any book.
Goldberg makes several key points that seem unassailable, including the importance of “earned success” to human fulfillment. It is also indisputable that we have witnessed a decline in what he calls “mediating institutions” (e.g. family), those formal and informal institutions that have historically provided a buffer between the individual and the state, and that this has contributed to our political and social decay. And his repeated contention that maintaining the benefits of liberal democracy takes constant care and attention. (He uses the gardener metaphor frequently.)
I would also agree with Goldberg that neither political party has defined a productive way forward. I must take exception, however, perhaps out of wishful thinking, with his conclusion: “Because when you are at the top of a mountain, any direction you turn—be it left toward socialism or right toward nationalism or in some other clever direction—the result is the same: You must go down, back whence you came.”
I’d like to believe that there is a third way other than the conservative bare-knuckle Locke-ism that he seems to favor or the progressive politics of identity alone. To me the problem is not the celebration of the individual as much as it is the current emphasis on “me.” Me-ism is much more selfish than individualism and flows, as Goldberg points out, from the ignorance of data overload served up through closed loops and a certain ingratitude, or “forgetfulness”, for what we do have.
One of the omissions that I believe contributes to Goldberg’s ultimately binary way forward is his perceived lack of the impact of the rise of the corpocracy. He fully acknowledges that capitalism is impartially disruptive, but he never really takes exception with the asymmetric power currently assigned to the elite multi-national banks, hedge funds, and corporations that have taken over the political process due to the latter’s reliance on funding for its power.
He devotes an entire chapter to lamenting the lack of accountability in “The Administrative State”, the so-called shadow state, but gives virtually no space to demanding the same accountability among our corporate nobles who have gone to far as to give our private information away, let the Russians reach into the electoral process, and incentivize their employees to forge fake accounts without our consent, much less to collapse the global economy (2008), all without anyone ever being held accountable. It is not that capitalism or free markets are bad, but they are perverse when power is applied asymmetrically because of a lack of regulation or an over concentration of monopoly powers.
There has to be a way forward the draws the best from both Locke and Rousseau—and Marx and Smith, among others. And to me it has more to do with overcoming the ultimately irrational lust of “me” with some acceptance of the value of “we.”
Having said that, yes, this is a very serious book, superbly written. And it deserves to be read by all.

The first three chapters were well written and seemed to be objectively taking me down the expected path. When I hit chapter four, the book and I drove over a cliff. Suddenly, I found myself in the trenches of a lengthy war between John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Goldberg is clearly well studied and knowledgeable. His discussion of the contrasting beliefs of Locke and Rousseau was thorough to the point of being exhaustive. I yearned for a return to the “tribalism” topic.
Following the discourse on the two famed political philosophers, Goldberg seemed to lose it altogether. The book devolved into somewhat of a libertarian rant. The flaws of American democracy were laid bare, but no substantive suggestions were made to improve the situation. The flaws of American politics were exposed, but no substantive suggestions were made to improve the situation. There were even some fly-by ad-hominins thrown in for good measure.
When trying to resurrect the body from this book, I was slightly frustrated by the implications that progress only came by moving forward while the chains of our past keep us hopelessly mired in our tribal past. By the time I got to the end of the book, Goldberg had at least torn the veil from his initial position of trying to be an unbiased and objective presenter. His biases charged forward like the Mogul (pun intended) hoards. In the end, the only survivors were John Locke and Goldberg himself.
Goldberg is clearly extremely well read and articulate. Perhaps he is too well read. It’s as if he had built his bunker walls with the vast store of books he has studied, yet refused to venture far out from his shelter into the real world to test his theories. I came away concluding that Locke, Rousseau, and Goldberg notwithstanding, the overriding philosophy espoused in this work is … “I’ve got mine – it sucks to be you.” And in an odd sort of way, I believe that validated the thesis presented in the title, i.e., “Suicide of the West”.

Goldberg argues that nearly all human progress has come just since the 1700s. For most of human history, people lived in tribes of hunter-gatherers and after the agricultural revolution, they became peasants. To quote Hobbes life was "nasty, brutish, and short." He explains that humans are fundamentally brutal and uncivilized, and men like to rape, hunt, and kill. Then we had what he calls “the Miracle.” The Miracle was produced by combining liberal capitalist democracy with the Industrial Revolution. He gives the credit to 18th-century England. The Miracle brought new ideas and was an “ideology of merit, industriousness, innovation, contracts, and rights.” He claims it created unprecedented growth, prosperity, and peace.
Goldberg believes that all the good things we enjoy in the West today (high living standards, long life expectancies, political freedom) are the products of capitalism and liberalism. That is debatable. In “American Amnesia” political scientists Hacker and Pierson, argue compellingly that much of our health and prosperity rests on what governments have done. Goldberg shows that slavery used to exist everywhere. Aristotle believed that slavery was a natural thing and that human beings came in two types - slaves and non-slaves. Goldberg claims that the Miracle ended the need for slaves in the West.
Goldberg claims that we have forgotten how tough life was before the Miracle. We focus too much on the injustices that it created. We have become ungrateful for the benefits it brought and he believes the lack of reverence for capitalism portends the demise of democracy. Goldberg fears that we are retreating to an older, more natural form of society - tribalism.
Goldberg views identity politics negatively and believes that it represents a return to tribalism. For hunter-gatherers expulsion from the tribe meant certain death, and our ancestors joined tribes for protection. A person today may belong to many different groups or tribes: a religious group, a professional group, an ethnic group, a gender group, a sports group, etc. We are not defined by any one particular group we belong to and we won't kill for that tribe. Tribes today are different from the ones that our ancestors belonged to. Goldberg claims people are increasingly encouraged to think of themselves in racial or gender categories. He argues that the real problem with identity politics is that it is divisive. People become judged by their identity rather than their character or behavior.
He discusses traditional conservative talking points: Hollywood, political correctness, social justice warriors, identity politics, and the worship of diversity. He seems in favor of “white male privilege.” We also get silly criticisms of rock music, particularly the music of Jethro Tull.
True conservatism, Goldberg asserts, “is a bundle of ideological commitments: limited government, natural rights, the importance of traditional values, patriotism, gratitude” and “the beliefs that ideas matter and that character matters.” Goldberg is on the side of the 1% or as he calls them the “wealth creators.” He understands anti-immigration prejudices and wants immigrants to assimilate more. Civil society works best “in ethnically or culturally homogeneous communities.”
Goldberg’s opposition to Trump seems more to do with style than substance. He appears to approve of the bulk of the Trump administration’s actual policies. It is bad manners, not bad policies, that he objects to. Trump fails to show “good character" and does not attempt to make the American system look rational, noble, and elevated. Instead, he shows it to be brutal, cruel, and self-interested. Goldberg criticizes Trump not for being greedy, but for admitting it.
The book provides a defense of inequality: “To fret about political, social, or economic inequality in a free society is to fret about the problem of freedom itself, for in the presence of freedom there will always be inequality of some kind.” He claims that the free-market system is “the only anti-poverty system ever invented.” Goldberg is a propagandist for the new wealthy elites propagating wrongheaded Ayn Randian notions that free markets are always good and government always bad. He seems to want to turn the clock back to 19th-century laissez-faire capitalism. Most people have noticed the growing inequality in America. Wages have stagnated since the late 1970s. The life expectancy of white males is starting to decline. The US has a higher infant mortality rate than any of the other 27 wealthy countries. Most revolutions in history have been caused by too much inequality, but Goldberg doesn't seem to believe it could happen here.
Goldberg is in favor of aristocracy. He claims that human beings have a “natural instinct for authority and hierarchy” and “inevitably become ruled by an elite few,” so there is “nothing inherently bad about an elite.” The problem is that our current ruling elite seems increasingly clueless and corrupt. Mark Blyth, who teaches economics at Brown, believes both parties have written off the bottom 30% of society. Most Americans believe the country is on the wrong track and polls show that they believe the biggest problem facing the country is a corrupt political elite.
He argues that rejecting the Miracle will inevitably lead us to become like Venezuela or the Soviet Union. His attacks misrepresent the arguments of economic progressives. They are not Marxists, they just want to live in a Scandinavian country like Denmark or Sweden. Most are asking why, in a country so rich, there should still be so many Americans on low wages, with poor health care, and with limited access to education. They want to know why the US lags so far behind other developed countries in providing for the poor and needy. Goldberg chooses to believe that asking for what many Europeans and Canadians take for granted will drive the country off a cliff. Goldberg seems trapped in a Washington conservative bubble and needs to read more widely than the works of long-dead Europeans. He should get a passport and actually visit Europe. He should start with Scandinavia.