- Taschenbuch: 208 Seiten
- Verlag: Routledge; Auflage: New Ed (13. Dezember 2004)
- Sprache: Englisch
- ISBN-10: 0415948878
- ISBN-13: 978-0415948876
- Größe und/oder Gewicht: 15,2 x 1,2 x 22,9 cm
- Durchschnittliche Kundenbewertung: Schreiben Sie die erste Bewertung
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 67.505 in Fremdsprachige Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Fremdsprachige Bücher)
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Cities and the Creative Class (Englisch) Taschenbuch – 13. Dezember 2004
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""Always provocative, always insightful, Florida answers many of the questions raised by The Rise of the Creative Class, and provides new insights into the roles creativity, tolerance and amenity play in transforming places. Every city and region now has to reinvent itself to compete successfully in the global economy, and Florida provides an essential guide to this process. Cities and the Creative Class describes how successful regions can and must make the shift from low-cost to high-quality strategies..."
-Bob Yaro, President of the Regional Plan Association
"Florida and others are changing the American urban agenda. This is a guidebook to the new knowledge-based economy...He mines the best available research to lay out powerful new policy options. No wonder he is in such demand."
-Terry Nichols Clark, Professor of Sociology and Coordinator of the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, University of Chicago
"Florida and others are changing the American urban agenda. This is a guidebook to the new knowledge-based economy. He mines the best available research to lay out powerful new policy options. No wonder he is in such demand." - Terry Nichols Clark, Professor of Sociology and Coordinator of the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, University of Chicago
In the seven essays of Cities and the Creative Class - four of which have been previously published - Richard Florida outlines how certain cities succeed in attracting members of the "creative class." This class, roughly speaking, is composed of the millions of people who work in information-age economic sectors and in industries driven by innovation and talent. Cities that succeed, Florida argues, are those that are able to attract and retain creative class members. They don't do this through the traditional strategies of tax incentives, suburban housing developments, and loose regulation, though - creative class members don't care about that. Rather, they care about amenities and tolerance and are hence drawn to cities with thriving bohemias and large gay populations. It is no coincidence, Florida argues, that places like Austin and San Francisco are at the forefront of the new US economy - they play up their bohemian edge and their tolerance. Cities like Detroit, in contrast, won't stand a chance unless they can become a magnet for the new class. To prove his point, Florida has amassed a wealth of data, including gay and bohemian indices for cities.He has found that there is a strong correlation between success in the new economy and the presence of these subcultures. In contrast to Florida's earlier book, Cities and the Creative Class provides a more academic explanation of why this has occurred, focusing in particular on the economic geography of place. It also lays out what cities need to do to have a chance at success. The book's structure is a logical progression, moving from a general political-economic theory of the creative class to a discussion of the components of success to, finally, places themselves. Florida closes the book with a prescriptive chapter on a specific place and the path it should follow - present day lower Manhattan. Alle Produktbeschreibungen
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The foundation of his Creative Capital theory is his 3 Ts of economic growth: tolerance, talent, and technology. For any city to be a thriving Creative Class cluster it needs all three. The Creative Class generates new ideas and products that cause creative centers to thrive. Those include San Francisco, Seattle, Washington D.C., Boston, Denver, and Austin. The cities that are less tolerant of people and new ideas do less well. Examples include Memphis, Cleveland, St. Louis, and Indianapolis.
The author goes into more statistics then in "The Rise of the Creative Class." Unfortunately, they are flawed. He shows many scatter plots with either High Technology or Software workers per million as the dependent variable on the Y axis. He tests those against many independent variables. But, he gets very different results. For instance, when he looks at Environmental Quality vs High Technology (figure 3.4) he gets a random relationship. Meanwhile, Environmental Quality vs Software workers shows a strong relationship. When focusing on Amenities, the reverse is true. Also, his scatter plots are flawed because they select different data. The ones with High Technology have 35 cities. The ones with Software workers have only 27. So, comparisons between the two data sets are invalid. For the one variable (Gay index) that does show strong correlation with both High Technology and Social workers, he may have cherry picked the data as he uses now only 24 cities. Thus, he could have eliminated outliers (11 cities from one data set and 3 from the other) that did not confirm the strong relationship. Later, when he studies the Bohemian Index he uses a different independent variable than the ones he used for the Gay Index rendering the comparison between both indexes moot.
When analyzing the impact of amenities in attracting the Creative Class the statistics and narratives contradict each other. Table 4.2 shows Cultural Amenities with a 0.493 correlation with High Tech. Yet, a similar scatter plot on page 70 shows complete randomness. On page 71, the author states there is no relationship between cultural amenities and the Creative Class, as they strongly prefer outdoor recreational amenities. But, on page 99 he states the opposite: "The results of the correlation analysis support that talented individuals appear to be attracted more by cultural amenities than by recreational amenities or climate." Finally, on page 167 he reverses course again: "The Creative Class prefers active, participatory forms of recreation... these workers enjoy active outdoor sports. " So, which is it?
The single best statistical evidence supporting his Creative Capital Theory is a correlation matrix (fig. 5.2) on page 119 that confirms that the Bohemian Index, Gay Index, Talent, and High Technology are all very highly correlated. Unfortunately, those high correlations are contradicted by a Path Analysis (fig. 4.5) on page 106 with path coefficients that are very small. This raises further confusion.
Semantics are also confusing. The author refers to the Gay Index or the Diversity Index or even the Diversity/Gay Index to refer to the same thing. Why doesn't he stick to just one name?
In the last two chapters, he gives us a lead into his next two books. In chapter 8, he focuses on New York city and the whole East Coast corridor going all the way to Boston. This is the first Meta-Region he focuses on. In chapter 9, he muses about international competition with many cutting edge foreign Meta-Regions (London, Sydney, Tokyo, Vancouver). This will lead to his next book I was not that fond off where he sells the U.S. short, The Flight of the Creative Class: The New Global Competition for Talent. But, ultimately this research will lead to his second outstanding book, Who's Your City?: How the Creative Economy Is Making Where to Live the Most Important Decision of Your Life where he will study the 50 or so leading Meta-Regions of the World that generate most of the World's GDP and new ideas. If only he had just written "The Creative Class" and "Who'se Your City?" his track record would have been impeccable.
*Is it possible to establish which way the causal chain runs? That is, does economic growth cause tolerance or vice versa? Florida writes that declining cities like Pittsburgh and Baltimore are not sufficiently "tolerant and open." But are these cities less tolerant because of economic stagnation or vice versa?
*Florida shows that there is at least some correlation between social tolerance (defined as a high number of gay couples and people in "bohemian" occupations such as writing and the arts) and an educated workforce, and that an educated workforce is correlated with economic growth. But (and maybe I'm just misreading his data here) I'm not sure that he has established the link between social tolerance and economic growth.
*Assuming that socially tolerant places have higher income growth, is the advantage of higher income growth wiped out by higher regional cost of living? In other words, if Hipsterville has 2 percent income growth per year and exploding housing costs while Stodgeland has 1 percent growth and small-town housing costs, is Hipsterville really better off?
Finally, there are some assertions Florida makes that aren't supported by data. He suggests, for example, that "environmental quality and natural amenities are important factors in a firm's choice of location." But his own table shows that more cities have low environmental quality and high levels of hi-tech employment than have high environmental quality and high hi-tech.
Perhaps Florida's most valuable service is peripheral to his main argument: he utterly demolishes the idea that old-fashioned cultural amenities like professional sports, art museums, etc. contribute to high-talent, high-tech employment. The correlations are simply nonexistent.
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