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5.0 von 5 Sternen Vom Vordenker der Freiheit
[im Original: "Der Weg zur Knechtschaft: Den Sozialisten in allen Parteien"; Erstveröffentlichung in 1948] Dieser Klassiker der Wirtschaftsphilosophie hat trotz seiner Ersterscheinung vor mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert und der bis heute offensichtlich weltweiten Überwindung kommunistischer Diktaturen keineswegs an Aktualität verloren...
Am 7. Juli 1999 veröffentlicht

versus
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1.0 von 5 Sternen By the ignorant, for the ignorant
The cretinous and almost wholly fallacious drivel spouted by Hayek in this crypto-fascist piece of vicious propaganda is only matched by the rancid spewings that stain this reviews page. Hayek cares and knows as much about liberty as Adolf Hitler, Sadaam Hussein, Augusto Pinochet and all the other murderous friends of the capitalist class, to whose collective member...
Am 9. August 1999 veröffentlicht


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5.0 von 5 Sternen Vom Vordenker der Freiheit, 7. Juli 1999
Von Ein Kunde
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
[im Original: "Der Weg zur Knechtschaft: Den Sozialisten in allen Parteien"; Erstveröffentlichung in 1948] Dieser Klassiker der Wirtschaftsphilosophie hat trotz seiner Ersterscheinung vor mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert und der bis heute offensichtlich weltweiten Überwindung kommunistischer Diktaturen keineswegs an Aktualität verloren. Beachtlich sind die Thesen von Friedrich A. von Hayek vor allem vor dem weltgeschichtlichen Hintergrund zur Zeit ihrer Entstehung: weder das damalige faschistische Italien noch das nationalsozialistische Deutsche Reich standen in seinen Betrachtungen im Vordergrund, sondern es waren vielmehr diejenigen Terrorsysteme, deren Schrecken erst in unserer Zeit nach und nach in ihrem vollen Ausmaß zutage treten.
Grundlage für Hayeks Streitschrift ist die Erkenntnis, daß Wohlstand und individuelle Freiheit nur dadurch bewahrt werden, daß das Resultat menschlichen Verhaltens nicht im voraus bestimmbar und daher nicht planbar ist. Diese "Ungewißheit" führe zu einer stets größtmöglichen Anstrengung des Einzelnen. Aus der Summe aller dieser einzelnen "Bestleistungen" ergebe sich für die Gesamtheit eine optimale Einkommens- und Vermögensverteilung. Folglich sei das freiheitliche marktwirtschaftliche System - einen funktionierenden Wettbewerb vorausgesetzt - per se sozial gerecht, da es ebenso eine optimale Güterversorgung gewährleiste. Jede Form der zentralen Planung und des Kollektivismus schränkten diese Ausgleichsfunktion der Regulierungskräfte des freien Marktes ein, da individuelle plankonträre Eigenleistungen weder gefördert noch geduldet würden. Zentralverwaltung und individuelle Freiheit seien somit unvereinbar. Hayek wagt sich daher noch einen Schritt weiter, indem er darlegt, daß jede Form des Wohlfahrtsstaates in seiner Art repressive Tendenzen aufweise: Jeder Versuch, die Gesellschaft nach dem Vorbild kleiner steuerbarer Gruppen zu formieren, rufe eine totalitäre Gesellschaftsform hervor.
Friedrich A. von Hayek war einer der wenigen, die mit einer soliden geld- und konjunkturtheoretischen Alternative zu den Lehren des seinerzeit allgegenwärtigen John M. Keynes aufwarten konnten; frühzeitig erkannte er die langfristigen Schäden, die von Keynes' aktionistischen Konjunktureingriffen ausgingen: An die Adresse der Keynesianer gerichtet kritisiert er heftigst deren nachfrageorientierte Wirtschaftspolitik. Der zunehmende direkte Interventionismus untergrabe jede marktwirtschaftliche Ordnung. Da expansive Maßnahmen politisch stets leichter durchsetzbar seien, als kontraktive, führten sie zu einer unaufhörlich ansteigenden Staatsquote und damit unweigerlich zu strukturellen Budgetdefiziten. Diese wiederum übten unerwünschte Verdrängungseffekte auf Wachstum und Beschäftigung ("crowding-out") aus.
Im Gegensatz dazu und hinführend zu der "angebotsorientierten Konzeption" stehen in Hayeks Modell neben der Verstetigung der Wirtschaftspolitik die Förderung der Wachstumskräfte durch Stärkung der Marktkräfte und der Leistungsanreize ("incentives") im Mittelpunkt staatlichen Wirkens. Die Vernachlässigung immanenter Inflationstendenzen beeinträchtige langfristig die Funktionsfähigkeit des Preismechanismus des Marktsystems. Mit der These, daß unbedingte Preisniveaustabilität eine tragende Säule funktionsfähiger Märkte darstelle, schließt sich Hayeks Argumentation. Daß er als Wirtschafts- und Gesellschaftsphilosoph darüber hinaus ethische Voraussetzungen für derart selbstverständlich und daher für nicht weiter erwähnenswert hielt, sei nur am Rande bemerkt.
Hayeks Ideen bildeten die Basis für die erfolgreich umgesetzten Konzeptionen Milton Friedman's, der im übrigen das ehrenhafte Vorwort zu dieser Ausgabe schrieb. Bedauerlicherweise hat Hayek bis heute in Deutschland nie die Berühmtheit erhalten, die anderen nachfolgenden Nobelpreisträgern der Ökonomie zuteil geworden ist. Zu seinem 100. Geburtstag hat man ihn im Mai 1999 kurzzeitig aus der Vergessenheit zurückgeholt - hoffentlich ein Anlaß, dieses Buch bald auch wieder dem deutschsprachigen Leser zugänglich zu machen...
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5.0 von 5 Sternen An elegant classic, with succinct, brilliant arguments, 12. Oktober 1999
Von 
Kathleen K. Melonakos (Escondido, CA) - Alle meine Rezensionen ansehen
(REAL NAME)   
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
This book well deserves the acclaim and recognition it garners.I find it striking that it was written in 1944, yet it still is a bestseller, and is widely quoted today. I had to read it because I kept running into so many other sources that quote it, in the course of my research. I am certainly glad I took the opportunity to see first hand why Hayek is so well regarded. Hayek went against the intellectual current back in 1944, and it was really interesting to see his insights into what was going on in Europe and America at that time, and his predictions of the future that have mostly come true. This book must be read by any student of history, liberal democracy, or economics. Do not think a "command economy" will bring about what you are trying to achieve, he says, to those those well meaning but misguided statists who seek an egalitarian utopia through government regulation. In a centrally planned economy, you get a two-tiered society--the commanders and the commanded, the dictators and the slaves. The more regulation, the farther down the Road to Serfdom societies go, until they get to the "perfect" totalitarian state. Even liberals ("New Democrats" at least) have come to see that the free market must be able to operate, or we end up degraded and destitute, like the former Soviet Union. Now if we could only apply these same free market principles to our ailing centrally planned institution, the public schools, we would really be wise.
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5.0 von 5 Sternen Essential reading for the independent thinker, 1. Januar 2008
Von 
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents - the Definitive Edition (Taschenbuch)
Hayek's masterpiece has appreciated in value since its first publication some 60 to 70 years ago. In fact, it is scary how much further down the path to serfdom we have gone over the past decades.

So, what is it all about?
In an intellectual but easily readable way Hayek explains that any sort of "planning" or "government intervention" is necessarily arbitrary by nature and a clear threat to democracy, liberty and individualism. The world we have been heading to is a collectivist authocracy, which always will be ruled by the worst characters amongst us.

Having written the book in the 30s of this century, Hayek does provide sufficient evidence that the emergence of collectivist tyrannies in Russia and Germany does not have their roots in the "bad genes of their peoples", but was a necessary by-product of their collectivist economic policies. Being an Austrian he nevertheless also traces back the roots of German National Socialism to both Germany's militarist history and the fathers of socialism, i.e. Marx, Engels, Bebel, Sombart, etal.

I highly recommend this book to everyone. No matter what your current perspective on the issues discussed, the book will give you new insight and foster a flow of new debates.
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5.0 von 5 Sternen A timeless politcal as well as economic statement, 7. Juni 2000
Von 
David E. Levine (Peekskill , NY USA) - Alle meine Rezensionen ansehen
(REAL NAME)   
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
This classic is as relevant today as it was when written well over a half century ago. Hayek does more than analyze the economic consequences of a planned society ... he also illustrates the political fallout of Socialism. Hayek asserts that politically, it is impossible to be free if we are not free economically. The reason is that those who disagree with socialism cannot opt out and become entrepeneurs. In order for socialism to work, it must apply to everyone. Therefore, even though a socialist might be a supporter of democratic institutions, our freedoms must ultimately be corroded for socialism to work, no matter how well meaning the socialist originally may haved been. Hayek sees a limited role for government and he uses highways as an example. We are free to travel and use the highways and go where we please. However, there must be some basic rules that we all agree on such as the rules that we all drive on the right side and that we stop at red lights. So too, there is a role for government to set basic ground rules and to provide protection for us. But.... these rules must ultimately be in furtherance of assuring our freedom. Hayek considers himself a liberal in the classic meaning of the term which would be individual freedom and few governmental controls. In prefaces to the book written decades later, Hayek stands by his use of the term "liberal" to describe his views, positing that what has become called "liberalism" has nothing to do with real liberalism as set forth by earlier thinkers such as John Locke. Although written for a British readership in 1944, this book remains highly readible (rather than overly technical) and very relevant to today's economic and political issues. I recommend the book highly.
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1 von 1 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
5.0 von 5 Sternen Outstanding, 1. Juni 2000
Von Ein Kunde
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
Hayek's classic book is a dissertation on why political freedom is, and can only be, inextricably linked to economic freedom. Originally published in 1944, his specific examples of socialist planning gone wrong are (were) Italy, the USSR, and most prominently, Germany. He primarily uses the British for comparison and contrast purposes, and directs many of his remarks toward Western European nations who were flirting with their own versions of socialist economic planning. He felt that these nations were ultimately going down the same road that the Germans had already traveled two or three generations earlier.
Hayek's central thesis is that individual liberty (economic and political) and collectivism are mutually exclusive, and that even the most well-intentioned socialist society will ultimately evolve into a totalitarian state. Hayek elaborates upon the following key arguments (and others): (1) Collectivism represents the undoing of liberalism (in the classic sense). (2) Socialism necessitates that the efforts of the populace be directed towards a common goal, often called something like "the common good." The economic system must be centrally planned in order to achieve this goal. Such planning amounts to coercion, and individual liberty is sacrificed for the degree of security a socialist state provides. (3) A free society operates according to the Rule of Law, where the rules are known beforehand. The economy of a free society consists of the net sum of individual decisions made within the known legal framework. By contrast, a centrally planned society relies upon government decisions that must be made on the basis of current necessity, what Hayek calls "arbitrary government." (4) Money promotes economic liberty, acting as the medium to provide the individual with the freedom to use his compensation in whatever manner he chooses, rather than being dependent upon a compensation whose specific nature is determined by others. (5) Socialism is inherently nationalistic or ethnocentric, because the leading party often must rally the populace to focus against a threatening group in order to effectively promote its own agenda. A "one-world" socialism that unites across peoples, nations, and ethnic backgrounds is not workable. (6) True believers in a socialist society must hold the interests of the State as higher than their own. Those who will move up the ranks in a socialist society are often prepared to do anything on behalf of the state, no matter how much this opposes one's own moral principles. Those who are amoral are thus more likely to "succeed" in a socialist hierarchy. Hayek holds out little hope that a socialist utopia will work if only "good people" are put in charge.
Contrary to some of the negative reviews below, I must argue that Hayek's book is certainly not "vicious propaganda," (and, I might add, that I sincerely doubt that Hayek's own lips were "lice-ridden.") Nowhere in the book does Hayek celebrate wealth. There is not one sentence in the book extolling the virtues of material riches. He DOES celebrate individual liberty and the superiority of a free market economy. To intelligently oppose Hayek, one must provide a literate argument against the points Hayek actually argues. In addition, one would be compelled in this debate to explain how a rigid socialist system would NOT degenerate into Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, or Stalinist Russia (or, for that matter, Pol Pot's Cambodia, Castro's Cuba, Communist China, etc.)
That said, Hayek's book is not free from criticism. He takes a few swipes at the Germans -- Hayek all but proclaims that because of their general ethnic personality the Germans as a people were an ideal setup for Naziism and ruthless obedience to Hitler. Not surprisingly, some readers may take offense to this. Hayek also concedes that in a prosperous economy a basic minimum standard of living should be guaranteed everyone, although he makes no mention of how it could be guaranteed in a manner consistent with his overall free market vision. There is not a single statistic in the entire book (some may find this a GOOD thing), nor is there mention of any specific historical event, except the ongoing war at the time. Hayek's arguments are essentially based upon logical deductions, relying upon assumptions of human nature - as individuals, large groups, or those in authority. I suppose some will find Hayek's logic dubious, although arguably the history of the fifty-plus years since Hayek wrote The Road to Serfdom would back him up quite well.
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5.0 von 5 Sternen Amazing Little Book, 4. Mai 2000
Von 
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
I was introduced to Friedrich von Hayek through reading Thomas Sowell. And I decided to read this book because it was a highly recommended read in the Freedom's Nest Website Reading List.
As soon as I started reading this book, I developed a warm feeling toward the author. In his original introduction, Hayek started with: "When a professional student of social affairs writes a political book, his first duty is plainly to say so. This is a political book...." His candor and his confidence were so befitting with his great intellect.
Noting that Hayek was an Austrian, I was impressed by his mastery of the English language and I enjoyed his writing style. With mild language and in simple terms, Hayek made very sweeping predictions and patiently explained his reasoning with convincing arguments based on economic and human behavioral theories.
Hayek's thesis was that central economic planning will inevitably lead to governmental control of every facet of its citizen's life, and hence toward a totalitarian state. Hayek's other insightful observations: Nazism, Fascism and communism all have the same roots. In a totalitarian state, it is always the ruthless and the unsophisticated who ascend to the top. Extensive governmental control harms the society not just in delivering dismal economic results, but, more seriously, it produces a psychological change, an alteration in the character of the people.
One must not forget that when Hayek wrote this book, his was very much a voice in the wilderness; he was ridiculed and denounced by his contemporaries. But his ideas stood the test of time! And blessedly, he lived to see that - to see first the building and eventually the fall of the Berlin Wall.
This little book was said to have had definitive influence on such giants as Churchill, Thatcher, Reagan and many others. Perhaps the book's influence was best attested to by its being banned in the USSR, China and many other totalitarian countries.
This book belongs on your book shelf.
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1 von 1 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
5.0 von 5 Sternen Old and Abstract But Amazingly Relevant, 24. April 1999
Von Ein Kunde
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
While Hayek wrote this during a different era and under seemingly unique circumstances, his critique, analysis, and appraisal of collectivism is still very much relevant and compelling. Admittedly, the book is quite difficult to read, given the fact that terminology has evolved and the context has long faded. However, a reader genuinely interested in a critique of collectivism during its peak influence in the early part of the 20th century, could do no better than to engross himself in Hayek's work. Two passages in particular that struck me as incredibly insightful were: (page 235) "There is one aspect of the change in moral values brought about by the advance of collectivism which at the present time provides special food for thought. It is that the virtues which are held less and less in esteem and which consequently become rarer are precisely those on which Anglo-Saxons justly prided themselves and in which they were generally recognized to excel. The virtues these people possessed -- ... were independence and self-reliance, individual initiative and local responsibility, the successful reliance on voluntary activity, noninterference with one's neighbor and tolerance of the different and queer, respect for custom and tradition, and a healthy suspicion of power and authority. Almost all the traditions and institutions in which democratic moral genius has found its most characteristic expression, and which in turn have molded the national character and the whole moral climate of England and America, are those which the progress of collectivism and its inherently centralistic tendencies are progressively destroying."; (page 257) "Least of all shall we preserve democracy or foster its growth if all the power and most of the important decisions rest with an organization far too big for the common man to survey or comprehend."
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5 von 6 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
5.0 von 5 Sternen Fundamental Reading, 17. Juni 2000
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
I was a pimply and feckless youth attending college in DC when I think I might have read parts of "The Road to Serfdom." I say "parts" because in those days I never read anything completely, suffering as I did from a profound aversion to any effort to instill an education into my head. Only two phenomena interested me then (food and sex) and I viewed with dismal contempt anything that would distract or interfere with the satisfaction of those simple but base instincts.
I found a recent reading of the book refreshing and enlightening. The 50th anniversary edition, in paperback, contains the prefaces of the 1944 (first) edition, those to the 1957 and 1976 editions, and an introduction by Milton Friedman, dated 1994. Friedrich Hayek is now dead (1899-1992), but he received a well deserved Nobel Prize in economics in 1974. This book was the key to that prize. This edition contains the original bibliography (nothing before 1944) and a fair index.
Hayek's book is one of the fundamental building blocks of libertarian thinking. In a careful and relentless analysis he points out that the growth of collectivism (socialism), and the expansion of government that such growth fosters, leads inevitably to the horrors of a totalitarian state. It is no coincidence that the only remaining endorsers of unrestrained communism (Cuba and North Korea) are ruthless dictatorships and not worker's paradises. This book tell you how come.
I can't say this is a "fun" book. But one should, from time to time, attempt to remedy the excesses of youthful self-indulgence from one's college days. This is a good book with which to do penance and gain wisdom, all at once.
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8 von 10 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
5.0 von 5 Sternen those who predict correctly deserve to be read, 25. Januar 2010
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents - the Definitive Edition (Taschenbuch)
For a small book it is a masterpiece of objective economic-political analysis. It is also a tour de force, written with passion, conviction and justified concern. Published in '44 while Hayek taught economics at the London School of Economics, he shrewdly observed that the British government and economic planners were falsely conceptualizing post-war policies to retain war-time centralized control. After all, so it seemed, war-time production was boosted tremendously under central governmental control of the economy. So why not retain and expand it after the war is over to boost the living standard.

This was either spelled out or implied in various White Papers or reports which drew inspirations from the theory of Hayek's chief opponent, John Maynard Keynes. Hayek warned that such dangerous policies, which he thought emulated too much German National Socialist economic policies, would fail and jeopardize liberty.

Unfortunately, his warnings were disregarded by the British post-war governments and the subsequent evolution of the British economy relative to the German one tells the story. The British centralized, nationalized industries as well as the Bank of England, passed the Town and Country Planning Act, created a national health system, etc. while the Germans decentralized, freed the central bank from political control, denationalized industries and restored private initiatives, relatively speaking. The British developed the British economic disease while the Germans pulled off one of the world's most stunning economic miracle. It was all in compliance with Hayek's profound analysis and prediction. One could almost cynically says that the British in enacting National Socialist economic policies fought the Nazis to have the right to adopt Nazi economic policies. Compare for example, the British nationalizing the Bank of England much like Hitler taking over the German central bank in '38 or, for more shocking comparison, read the British labor party platform of '45 and compare it with the socio-economic policies advocated in the l921 Twenty-Five Point Nazi party program.

Beyond this, Hayek's book is also a wonderful analysis of how knowledge pulsates throughout the economy, how economic progress is achieved, how, above all, liberty can be preserved and how the "worst wind up on top" (the title of chapter ten) of a political hierarchy. This chapter can be used to explain in part the rise of Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, Mao, Saddam Hussain, Castro, and so on down to even LBJ, Nixon, Clinton, Sharon and Bush, etc.

This book has had a long life and deservedly so. All undergraduates and anyone interested in profound philosophical-economic analysis should read it, especially those interested in preserving liberty and preventing serfdom. One of the primary elements for this, according to Hayek, is to deny centralized planning. Ironically, Hayek's chief opponent, John Maynard Keynes who influenced post-war centralized economic planning tremendously, reviewed the book favorably before his death and and said something to the effect that morally and philosophically he found himself in agreement with nearly all of it and not just in agreement but in heartfelt agreement. Too bad the politicians did not heed the change of mind Keynes had just before he died. Had they followed Hayek, the corrosive consequences of politicized Keynesianism in terms of the inflation, centralized planning and other results could have been prevented. By l969, Nixon publicly stated "we're all Keynesians now."

George Orwell, a socialist, was also favorably impressed by this book and most likely was inspired by it when he wrote in 1948 his famous "1984."

But by l974, Hayek received, belatedly, the Nobel Economics Prize (though he shared it with Gunnar Myrdal) and wise scholars and graduate students in communist nations in Eastern Europe started to disseminate and read this book with vigorous enthusiasm. Though it is not well known, this book, along with others Hayek wrote, helped considerably in counteracting Communism. By the early l990s, several editorials in the Wall Street Journal paid tribute to Hayek and the favorable impact his publications had on eroding communism.
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5.0 von 5 Sternen The Book of the Century, 13. August 1999
Von Ein Kunde
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Road to Serfdom (Taschenbuch)
Fifty years ago, "Road to Serfdom" provided the foundations of the intellectual counterrevolution that resulted in the recent demise of socialism. From Latin America to Eastern Europe, this book opened millions of minds to the (now obvious) moral and material superiority of open societies and free-markets over all types of socialisms and fascisms. Of course, that is the single and simple reason why many resentful socialists still hate Hayek and this book so deeply. For example, the "reader from Birmingham" (prior review) calls the author (inter alia) a "fascist" despite the fact that Hayek had to escape fascism to save his life and that this book is one of the most compelling attacks on fascism ever written. Reading a book before "reviewing" it should be mandatory, but living and suffering in this capitalist world should not. A few socialist paradises built by inspired opponents of Hayek's ideas are still available around the globe (try North Korea - - be happy).
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