- Audio CD
- Verlag: Simon & Schuster Audio; Auflage: Unabridged (1. Mai 2008)
- Sprache: Englisch
- ISBN-10: 0743576853
- ISBN-13: 978-0743576857
- Größe und/oder Gewicht: 14,7 x 12,7 x 3 cm
- Durchschnittliche Kundenbewertung: 4.5 von 5 Sternen Alle Rezensionen anzeigen (2 Kundenrezensionen)
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 548.566 in Englische Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Englische Bücher)
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Produktbeschreibungen
Pressestimmen
"A definitive handbook for political and business leaders who want to succeed in a global era." -- Walter Isaacson author of Einstein: His Life and Universe
Kurzbeschreibung
For Fareed Zakaria, the great story of our times is not the decline of America but rather the rise of everyone else -- the growth of countries such as China, India, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Kenya, and many, many more. This economic growth is generating a new global landscape where power is shifting and wealth and innovation are bubbling up in unexpected places. It's also producing political confidence and national pride. As these trends continue, the push of globalization will increasingly be joined by the pull of nationalism -- a tension that is likely to define the next decades.
With his customary lucidity, insight, and imagination, Zakaria draws on lessons from the two great power shifts of the past five hundred years -- the rise of the Western world and the rise of the United States -- to tell us what we can expect from the third shift, the "rise of the rest." Washington must begin a serious transformation of global strategy and seek to share power, create coalitions, build legitimacy, and define the global agenda. None of this will be easy for the greatest power the world has ever known -- the only power that for so long has really mattered. But all that is changing now. The future we face is the post-American world.
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Der aus Indien stammende und in den USA lebende Publizist Fareed Zakaria legt in seinem jüngsten Buch eine Analyse globaler Machtverschiebungen vor, die in ihrer Konsequenz zu einem relativen Machtverlust der Vereinigten Staaten führen werden. Für diese Entwicklung ist aus seiner Sicht nicht der im alten Europa viel beschworene Niedergang Amerikas hauptverantwortlich. Es ist vielmehr der rasante Aufstieg der übrigen Mächte, der für die USA zu einer großen Herausforderung wird.
Die drängendste interne Herausforderung liegt dabei in der Überwindung der Schwäche des politischen Systems der Vereinigten Staaten begründet. Die Parteien und Institutionen des Landes sind seiner Auffassung nach immer weniger im Stande, die akuten Probleme in der Innen- und Außenpolitik effizient anzugehen. Ideologische Grabenkämpfe verhindern einen notwendigen überparteilichen Konsens. Zakaria kontrastiert diesen Schwachpunkt der Politik mit der Stärke der amerikanischen Ökonomie und Gesellschaft. Die Wirtschaft ist nach wie vor wettbewerbsfreudig und innovativ. Trotz ihrer gegenwärtigen Stagnation ist sie langfristig in der Lage, äußerst produktiv zu sein.
Auch die amerikanische Gesellschaft ist seiner Ansicht nach sehr mobil und flexibel. Sie ist nicht dekadent und verbraucht, sondern leistungsstark und anpassungsfähig. Am Besten zeigt sich dies am Beispiel der Wissenschaften, wo amerikanische Universitäten und Forschungseinrichtungen die Weltspitze bilden. Im Unterschied zum britischen Reich, dass Zakaria als historische Referenz dient, stehen die USA noch gut da. Sie haben die ökonomische und technologische Basis, die dem Empire fehlte, um auch weiterhin eine zentrale Rolle in der internationalen Politik spielen zu können.
Es ist für Zakaria deshalb gut möglich, dass sich aufstrebende Mächte wie China oder Indien friedlich in die von Amerika geschaffene Weltordnung integrieren lassen. Der Übergang von einer unipolaren zu einer multipolaren Welt kann sich für alle Großmächte positiv auswirken, wenn die USA nur akzeptieren, dass sie nicht mehr der uneingeschränkte Hegemon in der Weltpolitik sind.
Ein solcher Optimismus bleibt allerdings höchst fragwürdig. Zakaria blendet die keinesfalls unwahrscheinliche machtpolitische Rivalität zwischen den Großmächten weitgehend aus. In seinen Überlegungen ist z. B. China kein potentieller Hegemon, der versuchen wird, die bestehende internationale Ordnung massiv zu seinen Gunsten zu verändern. Revisionistische Mächte und gierige Staaten kommen in seiner Perspektive nicht vor. Ein derartiges Versäumnis ist bei diesem Autor überraschend. Noch in den neunziger Jahren war Zakaria aufgrund seiner wichtigen Publikationen zu den sogenannten offensiven Realisten gerechnet worden. Die Vertreter dieser Denkschule zeichnen sich gerade durch die Thematisierung einer aggressiven Mächterivalität aus.
Das Zakaria in diesem Buch darauf verzichtet ist bedauerlich. Den positiven Gesamteindruck schmälert es aber kaum. Seine Ausführungen sind informativ und lesenswert.
Jürgen Rupp
Die drängendste interne Herausforderung liegt dabei in der Überwindung der Schwäche des politischen Systems der Vereinigten Staaten begründet. Die Parteien und Institutionen des Landes sind seiner Auffassung nach immer weniger im Stande, die akuten Probleme in der Innen- und Außenpolitik effizient anzugehen. Ideologische Grabenkämpfe verhindern einen notwendigen überparteilichen Konsens. Zakaria kontrastiert diesen Schwachpunkt der Politik mit der Stärke der amerikanischen Ökonomie und Gesellschaft. Die Wirtschaft ist nach wie vor wettbewerbsfreudig und innovativ. Trotz ihrer gegenwärtigen Stagnation ist sie langfristig in der Lage, äußerst produktiv zu sein.
Auch die amerikanische Gesellschaft ist seiner Ansicht nach sehr mobil und flexibel. Sie ist nicht dekadent und verbraucht, sondern leistungsstark und anpassungsfähig. Am Besten zeigt sich dies am Beispiel der Wissenschaften, wo amerikanische Universitäten und Forschungseinrichtungen die Weltspitze bilden. Im Unterschied zum britischen Reich, dass Zakaria als historische Referenz dient, stehen die USA noch gut da. Sie haben die ökonomische und technologische Basis, die dem Empire fehlte, um auch weiterhin eine zentrale Rolle in der internationalen Politik spielen zu können.
Es ist für Zakaria deshalb gut möglich, dass sich aufstrebende Mächte wie China oder Indien friedlich in die von Amerika geschaffene Weltordnung integrieren lassen. Der Übergang von einer unipolaren zu einer multipolaren Welt kann sich für alle Großmächte positiv auswirken, wenn die USA nur akzeptieren, dass sie nicht mehr der uneingeschränkte Hegemon in der Weltpolitik sind.
Ein solcher Optimismus bleibt allerdings höchst fragwürdig. Zakaria blendet die keinesfalls unwahrscheinliche machtpolitische Rivalität zwischen den Großmächten weitgehend aus. In seinen Überlegungen ist z. B. China kein potentieller Hegemon, der versuchen wird, die bestehende internationale Ordnung massiv zu seinen Gunsten zu verändern. Revisionistische Mächte und gierige Staaten kommen in seiner Perspektive nicht vor. Ein derartiges Versäumnis ist bei diesem Autor überraschend. Noch in den neunziger Jahren war Zakaria aufgrund seiner wichtigen Publikationen zu den sogenannten offensiven Realisten gerechnet worden. Die Vertreter dieser Denkschule zeichnen sich gerade durch die Thematisierung einer aggressiven Mächterivalität aus.
Das Zakaria in diesem Buch darauf verzichtet ist bedauerlich. Den positiven Gesamteindruck schmälert es aber kaum. Seine Ausführungen sind informativ und lesenswert.
Jürgen Rupp
1 von 1 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Format:Taschenbuch|Von Amazon bestätigter Kauf
CNN-Zuschauern ist Fareed Zakaria durch seine sonntags ausgestrahlte Sendung "GPS-Global Public Square" bekannt, in der er sich als kritischer Interviewer einen Namen gemacht hat. In seinem (zweiten)Buch "The Post-American World" beschreibt er eine spannende Vision einer Welt, in der die USA die einzige Supermacht geblieben ist und an Bedeutung verlieren könnte, nicht weil sie an Bedeutung und Wirtschaftskraft verliert, sondern weil die "developing nations" (speziell China, Indien Russland, Brasilien, aber auch andere) an Bedeutung und Wirtschaftskraft gewinnen. Er bringt es auf die Formel "The Rise of the Rest". Er beschreibt historische Entwicklungen, die gegenwärtige Situation und Entwicklungsaussichten in politischer, gesellschaftlicher und ekonomischer Hinsicht und belegt seine Analysen mit Wirtschafts- und Bevölkerungsdaten. Trotz der Datenfülle eine gut lesbare und sprachlich hervorragene Lektüre, der es auch nicht an einer Prise Humor mangelt.
Seine Schlußfolgerungen sind überzeugend und intelligent, aber vielleicht auch kühn und idealistisch, in jedem Fall aber anregend und bedenkenswert.
Seine Schlußfolgerungen sind überzeugend und intelligent, aber vielleicht auch kühn und idealistisch, in jedem Fall aber anregend und bedenkenswert.
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636 von 691 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Where We Are Today and Where We Go From Here
29. April 2008
Format:Audio CD
Mr. Zakaria has written a short primer (250+ pages of text) about where the world is today and the role he sees the United States playing in the future. His assessment, for the most part, is fair, balanced and nonpartisan. And though the title of his treatise--The Post-American World--sounds pessimistic, in reality Mr. Zakaria sees the glass half full.
The principal weakness of the book is a product of its brevity: the author paints in broad strokes, providing a sweeping assessment of the dynamic changes that have unfolded on the world scene over the past twenty-five years. This invariably results in some over-generalizations and assessments that are not sufficiently nuanced. For example, in responding to concerns about China's growing power and influence, he quotes several Chinese officials who repeatedly reassure the listener that, notwithstanding its recent advances, China still lags behind the United States in so many areas; consequently, it poses no real threat to America or its neighbors. Instead of taking these sentiments at face value, Mr. Zakaria should remember, as Margaret Macmillan astutely noted in her recent book, "Nixon and Mao: The Week That Changed the World," that the Chinese are the past masters at using self-effacement to lure their adversaries into a state of complacency.
The greatest strengths of the book are explaining to the reader how much the world has changed over the past 25 years (did you know that China now exports more goods and services in a single day than it did in all of 1978?), while illuminating the course corrections the United States needs to make so that it can continue to influence the evolution of globalization. I was surprised to discover that the simple truths taught by Adam Smith have lifted more people above the poverty line in the last 25 years (400 million in China alone) than all the government assistance programs of all the countries in the world since the beginning of time. But I was dismayed to learn that the polices of free trade, liberal immigration, technological change and open government that are the source of this global revolution are no longer warmly received in the United States. Mr. Zakaria notes that in 2007 the Pew Global Attitudes Survey polled citizens in 47 countries for purposes of measuring the extent to which they have positive views about free trade and open markets. Guess where the U.S. came in? Dead last. Mr. Zakaria observes that in the five years the survey has been done, no country has seen as great a drop-off as the United States. It's as if, he says, that for the past sixty years we have extolled the virtues of free markets, immigration, technological change, competition, and democracy, and now that the rest of the world has finally decided to take our advice, "we are becoming suspicious of the very things we have long celebrated." (p. 48).
If you want to look in the mirror and see the warts and disappointments, along with the beauty and promise, of America, read this book. You and our country will be better for it.
The principal weakness of the book is a product of its brevity: the author paints in broad strokes, providing a sweeping assessment of the dynamic changes that have unfolded on the world scene over the past twenty-five years. This invariably results in some over-generalizations and assessments that are not sufficiently nuanced. For example, in responding to concerns about China's growing power and influence, he quotes several Chinese officials who repeatedly reassure the listener that, notwithstanding its recent advances, China still lags behind the United States in so many areas; consequently, it poses no real threat to America or its neighbors. Instead of taking these sentiments at face value, Mr. Zakaria should remember, as Margaret Macmillan astutely noted in her recent book, "Nixon and Mao: The Week That Changed the World," that the Chinese are the past masters at using self-effacement to lure their adversaries into a state of complacency.
The greatest strengths of the book are explaining to the reader how much the world has changed over the past 25 years (did you know that China now exports more goods and services in a single day than it did in all of 1978?), while illuminating the course corrections the United States needs to make so that it can continue to influence the evolution of globalization. I was surprised to discover that the simple truths taught by Adam Smith have lifted more people above the poverty line in the last 25 years (400 million in China alone) than all the government assistance programs of all the countries in the world since the beginning of time. But I was dismayed to learn that the polices of free trade, liberal immigration, technological change and open government that are the source of this global revolution are no longer warmly received in the United States. Mr. Zakaria notes that in 2007 the Pew Global Attitudes Survey polled citizens in 47 countries for purposes of measuring the extent to which they have positive views about free trade and open markets. Guess where the U.S. came in? Dead last. Mr. Zakaria observes that in the five years the survey has been done, no country has seen as great a drop-off as the United States. It's as if, he says, that for the past sixty years we have extolled the virtues of free markets, immigration, technological change, competition, and democracy, and now that the rest of the world has finally decided to take our advice, "we are becoming suspicious of the very things we have long celebrated." (p. 48).
If you want to look in the mirror and see the warts and disappointments, along with the beauty and promise, of America, read this book. You and our country will be better for it.
266 von 309 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Even better than his last book
30. April 2008
Format:Gebundene Ausgabe
A lot of books have been appearing recently about the rise of China and India, the decline of the United States, and so forth. This is the one to read, and the one that will last.
Zakaria's last book was about "The Future of Freedom," a study of liberalism and democracy. This new one--which is even better, I think--is about the shape of the emerging international system. It's called "The Post-American World," but a better title would have been the one he gives his first chapter, "The Rise of the Rest." That's because Zakaria's central thesis is that the world is changing, but the change is largely for the better and caused by the benign development of other power centers, not some collapse or decline of the United States. The biggest challenge for America, he argues, is not terrorism or nuclear proliferation or a rising China, but rather our own ability to adapt successfully to the new environment. He favors confidence and openness rather than insecurity and barriers, and makes a convincing case.
The book has chapters on each of the major international players, and they're really well done: amazingly, he manages to paint a full portrait of, say, China or India that is intelligent, succinct, subtle, and comprehensive all at once. If you want to get a flavor of what the book has to offer, there's an article based on it in the new issue of Foreign Affairs, and there should be another one coming out in Newsweek too, apparently. The man might be a superachieving bigshot, but he sure can write--each page is lively and interesting.
So forget the angry neocons, the wild-eyed optimists, the gloom-and-doom pessimists, and the glib amateurs who don't really know anything. Read this instead, and get insight into what's actually going in the world and what should be done about it. Plus, there's just a ton of fun little nuggets you'll be itching to drop in every conversation you have about anything related.
Zakaria's last book was about "The Future of Freedom," a study of liberalism and democracy. This new one--which is even better, I think--is about the shape of the emerging international system. It's called "The Post-American World," but a better title would have been the one he gives his first chapter, "The Rise of the Rest." That's because Zakaria's central thesis is that the world is changing, but the change is largely for the better and caused by the benign development of other power centers, not some collapse or decline of the United States. The biggest challenge for America, he argues, is not terrorism or nuclear proliferation or a rising China, but rather our own ability to adapt successfully to the new environment. He favors confidence and openness rather than insecurity and barriers, and makes a convincing case.
The book has chapters on each of the major international players, and they're really well done: amazingly, he manages to paint a full portrait of, say, China or India that is intelligent, succinct, subtle, and comprehensive all at once. If you want to get a flavor of what the book has to offer, there's an article based on it in the new issue of Foreign Affairs, and there should be another one coming out in Newsweek too, apparently. The man might be a superachieving bigshot, but he sure can write--each page is lively and interesting.
So forget the angry neocons, the wild-eyed optimists, the gloom-and-doom pessimists, and the glib amateurs who don't really know anything. Read this instead, and get insight into what's actually going in the world and what should be done about it. Plus, there's just a ton of fun little nuggets you'll be itching to drop in every conversation you have about anything related.
25 von 28 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
This World Has Already Arrived
18. Juli 2008
Format:Gebundene Ausgabe
First and foremost, there is an elephant in the room.
Fareed Zakaria is a member of the PNAC: Project for the New American Century. The PNAC advocates using the US military to overthrow foreign governments to enforce American economic interests around the globe, no matter how negative the consequences. The PNAC advocates this foreign policy because there is no check on the United States after the collapse of the USSR. After the PNAC-Iraq campaign didn't turn out to be as cheap and easy as the PNAC and Zakaria thought it would be, Zakaria "changed" his opinion. How interesting; how convenient. A journalistic version of the Peter Principle. This author's PNAC membership is relevant to his latest book.
In "the Post-American World" Zakaria reinforces his points by noting globalization and changes 500 years ago, historically and adequately linking the past with our truly globalized civilization of today. In the latter 18th Century America rose steadily. The Spanish-American war brought territory far off the the shore of the US. After WWII, the US emerged as one of two superpowers, and after the fall of the Soviet Union, became what the author calls, a "hyperpower." This hyperpower status is when many nation-states do what nation-states historically do: get greedy, become selfish, and over-reach diplomatically, economically, and militarily.
To echo other readers, yes this book is optimistic. Why wouldn't it be? The focus is on the global economy and emerging markets, basically. Zakaria claims American influence isn't declining, but that the rest of the world is rising. Where is the evidence that the US is not declining? The evidence of US decline is everywhere, domestically and internationally.
The Post-American world noticeably started emerging in the early 1990s and it's obvious across the globe now. Zakaria accurately focuses on the past 25 years, citing many facts. In my opinion, not only is the rest of the world ascending *economically* (China, India, Brazil, Vietnam, and others) but the US is in a state of slow and steady decline. This is historically normal, and natural. Over the the course of history, all superpowers grow, peak, and then decline. This is not negative. It's the evolution of the nation-state. Just like people. We're born, we grow, we age, and we die. The Roman empire declined over the course of 300 years. The USA is diminishing much faster.
It's not surprising that Americans in the Global Pew survey recorded the lowest of all countries in their opinions about globalization and "free trade" according to Zakaria. Yet, this has been the official policy of the US government for several decades.
With the current economic ascension of several nations, do international organizations accurately represent the current world population and economic strength of the world? Look at the G8: why is Canada in the G8 and Brazil, not? Why are France and Italy members? As for outsourcing, is outsourcing jobs all positive, having no negative ramifications at all? Is chasing the cheapest labor the success of "globalization?" Is opening the door for immigration not only for menial low-paying jobs, but highly skilled ones via the H1-B visa, success of our international global economy in the USA?
Only a couple of complaints about this book: author Zakaria is stating things anyone who follows current events already knows. Many of the global economic facts, especially pertaining to China and India, are already common knowledge. The author could have dug deeper. This book was also very short. Perhaps this book was aimed at readers who don't pay attention to international affairs. "The Post-American World" is for neophytes, and that's OK. Any information, with accurate research, is worthy information. Whatever the author's objectives, the book did reach some of a American public that casually watches the conglomerate American mainstream media, as there were discussions about this book when it was released.
The more Americans become aware, the more frugal, more humble, and less nationalistic they may become.
Fareed Zakaria is a member of the PNAC: Project for the New American Century. The PNAC advocates using the US military to overthrow foreign governments to enforce American economic interests around the globe, no matter how negative the consequences. The PNAC advocates this foreign policy because there is no check on the United States after the collapse of the USSR. After the PNAC-Iraq campaign didn't turn out to be as cheap and easy as the PNAC and Zakaria thought it would be, Zakaria "changed" his opinion. How interesting; how convenient. A journalistic version of the Peter Principle. This author's PNAC membership is relevant to his latest book.
In "the Post-American World" Zakaria reinforces his points by noting globalization and changes 500 years ago, historically and adequately linking the past with our truly globalized civilization of today. In the latter 18th Century America rose steadily. The Spanish-American war brought territory far off the the shore of the US. After WWII, the US emerged as one of two superpowers, and after the fall of the Soviet Union, became what the author calls, a "hyperpower." This hyperpower status is when many nation-states do what nation-states historically do: get greedy, become selfish, and over-reach diplomatically, economically, and militarily.
To echo other readers, yes this book is optimistic. Why wouldn't it be? The focus is on the global economy and emerging markets, basically. Zakaria claims American influence isn't declining, but that the rest of the world is rising. Where is the evidence that the US is not declining? The evidence of US decline is everywhere, domestically and internationally.
The Post-American world noticeably started emerging in the early 1990s and it's obvious across the globe now. Zakaria accurately focuses on the past 25 years, citing many facts. In my opinion, not only is the rest of the world ascending *economically* (China, India, Brazil, Vietnam, and others) but the US is in a state of slow and steady decline. This is historically normal, and natural. Over the the course of history, all superpowers grow, peak, and then decline. This is not negative. It's the evolution of the nation-state. Just like people. We're born, we grow, we age, and we die. The Roman empire declined over the course of 300 years. The USA is diminishing much faster.
It's not surprising that Americans in the Global Pew survey recorded the lowest of all countries in their opinions about globalization and "free trade" according to Zakaria. Yet, this has been the official policy of the US government for several decades.
With the current economic ascension of several nations, do international organizations accurately represent the current world population and economic strength of the world? Look at the G8: why is Canada in the G8 and Brazil, not? Why are France and Italy members? As for outsourcing, is outsourcing jobs all positive, having no negative ramifications at all? Is chasing the cheapest labor the success of "globalization?" Is opening the door for immigration not only for menial low-paying jobs, but highly skilled ones via the H1-B visa, success of our international global economy in the USA?
Only a couple of complaints about this book: author Zakaria is stating things anyone who follows current events already knows. Many of the global economic facts, especially pertaining to China and India, are already common knowledge. The author could have dug deeper. This book was also very short. Perhaps this book was aimed at readers who don't pay attention to international affairs. "The Post-American World" is for neophytes, and that's OK. Any information, with accurate research, is worthy information. Whatever the author's objectives, the book did reach some of a American public that casually watches the conglomerate American mainstream media, as there were discussions about this book when it was released.
The more Americans become aware, the more frugal, more humble, and less nationalistic they may become.
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