"Anthropology is little if not the discovery of the human unexpected" (4). The Gebusi: Lives Transformed in a Rainforest World, is a very interesting ethnography which depicts this very statement. It vividly captures the story of Bruce Knauft, a young anthropologist who set out to the island of Papua New Guinea to observe the lives of the Gebusi. When he first arrived, this native group was known primarily for its sexual freedom, "traditional" religious practices, and violent nature. Throughout his time spent in this village, however, Knauft made several startling conclusions about the Gebusi that only partially supported these conceptions.
Knauft's experience living with the Gebusi is broken down into three major time periods. The first time period examines the lives of the Gebusi between the years 1980 and 1982. From 1980 to 1982, the Gebusi culture was best described with the word "kogwayay." To put it simply, "Kogwayay refers to the customs that make the Gebusi different from others" (17). According to Knauft, "it refers especially to their distinctive traditions of singing, dancing, and bodily decoration" (17). The Gebusi culture was so unique that many found it difficult to even describe in words.
The second stage that Knauft discusses is the life of the Gebusi during the year of 1998. By this time, much of the population has converted to Christianity. In addition, external forces such as steel tools and colonial pacification "were not just present, but increasingly central" (94). By 1998, the age of mortality has risen dramatically. In addition, the Gebusi were much more involved in organizations and activities, which ultimately led to their being "more punctual and disciplined than previously" (98).
The third and final category that Knauft discusses takes place during the year 2008. By this time, the lives of the Gebusi had transformed even more dramatically. Knauft noticed that the inhabitants "possessions were indeed fewer, their clothes more torn, their ports more battered, and their knives and axes more worn than they had been before" (164). In addition, the Gebusi were not growing as much food as in previous years, and that traditional initiation customs had been "resuscitated and maintained" (167).
Overall, I enjoyed this ethnography, although not nearly as much as the others. I thought that the fact that there is so little social theory in this book made it difficult to come up with any direction to write this paper. I enjoyed reading about the lives or the Gebusi because they seem like an entertaining, unique group, but out of all of the ethnoraphies we had to read for this class, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance was by far my favorite.