Right or wrong, Richard Nixon has been singularly defined in biographies, commentaries, TV and film productions and, yes, even an opera, by his resignation in 1974 of the presidency of the United States. Not here. Just as author Anthony Summers did in his definitive analysis of another 20th century icon ("Goddess: The Secret Lives of Marilyn Monroe"), he lays out more than 600 pages of incredibly minute attributions in a relentlessly negative yet saucy treatment of the nation's 37th president. Although not scandal, Summers' final product is, if nothing else, racily relentless and throughly negative. Through it all, we get more of Nixon's alleged misbehaviors and unethical and illegal acts than a truly defining psycho-profile of this truly dark - even scary - figure. This isn't to say that Summers' work isn't a contribution to the continuing Nixon saga. It is. If nothing else, Summers' "challenge" to other writers might be to throttle them out of 1974 - and for most Nixon commentators, if not all, it still is and always will be 1974 - to probe the man capable of orchestrating the alleged events that Summers lays out in this book. Among them: Nixon's only Senate campaign in 1950 against Helen Gahagan Douglas, she who was "pink right down to her underwear" and was ravaged by Nixon's defamatory and anti-Semitic and trademark smear ideology, was funded in part by mob money from Mickey Cohen. Just a few years earlier, as a junior member of Congress' obscene Communist witchhunt committee, Nixon stooped to the illegal altering of evidence to condemn his dogged nemisis, Alger Hiss, to four years in a federal prison. Another unethical, if outright illegal plot after another in a supposed link between Howard Hughes, Fidel Castro and - yes - Watergate is laid out. And while there's never been any direct evidence that Nixon ordered the break-in that led to his presidential self-destruction (although he clearly authorized its cover-up), Summers claims here Nixon okay'ed more than 100 other break-ins throughout his political career. While the reader gets more of Nixon's alleged but previously unknown examples of illegal and unethical conduct, we get fewer explanations of what has been elusive to virtually everyone studying the man: what drove him. But we do get some glimpses into the Nixon psyche that could account for what made the total man: an ambition with no goal that started as early as age six but whose goal targeted politics a few years later; a never-satisfied thirst for power that was abused to "punish" Nixon's "enemies" and for the purpose of holding onto that power; a descent into experimentation with Seconals, Dilantin, speed and Scotch; having as his favorite limo the SS110X which, coincidentally, was the one in which JFK was killed; and, maybe in a brief concession to his dark side, an attempt with "Paviovian technique" to become "a better person." By book's end, Summers makes one thing "perfectly clear:" there was definitely something wrong with Richard Nixon. What exactly is elusive. But Summers' bio is still an important and compelling contribution to the written body of the Nixon library, and we can only hope that post-Watergate writers and researchers will carry Summers' work further and do what any few Nixon-ites have: to try to define the man by his totality rather than by his single act of being the only president in U.S. history to resign the world's most powerful seat.