- Taschenbuch: 400 Seiten
- Verlag: Random House Trade Paperbacks; Auflage: Reprint (8. November 2005)
- Sprache: Englisch
- ISBN-10: 0812974891
- ISBN-13: 978-0812974898
- Größe und/oder Gewicht: 13,3 x 2,2 x 20,3 cm
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 424.826 in Englische Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Englische Bücher)
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Produktinformation |
Produktbeschreibungen
Pressestimmen
Praise for Autopsy on an Empire
“A superb analysis of the achievements and problems of the Soviet system and a fascinating account of the people and events that brought its collapse . . . Matlock writes with the authority of long years of service in Moscow, and at the State Department and the National Security Council. His close-up view of the most important events of our century is the unique product of careful scholarship and an extraordinary diplomatic career.”
–HERBERT J. ELLISON, professor of Russian history, Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington
“No person is better equipped to describe the extraordinary change from the Soviet Union into Russia than Ambassador Matlock. His background in Russian history, language, culture, literature, and politics makes him one of the world’s outstanding authorities on the question. . . . [Matlock] knows practically all of the people about whom he is writing and conveys their character, prejudices, strengths, and shortcomings in vivid colors.”
–MAX M. KAMPELMAN, former counselor of the Department of State and U.S. nuclear arms control negotiator
“No other American had the opportunity to observe the Soviet government’s collapse at such close range. Thanks to Ambassador Matlock’s excellent contacts and mature judgment, his book represents a unique record of this historic event.”
–RICHARD PIPES, Frank Baird, Jr., Professor of History Emeritus, Harvard University
From the Hardcover edition.
“A superb analysis of the achievements and problems of the Soviet system and a fascinating account of the people and events that brought its collapse . . . Matlock writes with the authority of long years of service in Moscow, and at the State Department and the National Security Council. His close-up view of the most important events of our century is the unique product of careful scholarship and an extraordinary diplomatic career.”
–HERBERT J. ELLISON, professor of Russian history, Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington
“No person is better equipped to describe the extraordinary change from the Soviet Union into Russia than Ambassador Matlock. His background in Russian history, language, culture, literature, and politics makes him one of the world’s outstanding authorities on the question. . . . [Matlock] knows practically all of the people about whom he is writing and conveys their character, prejudices, strengths, and shortcomings in vivid colors.”
–MAX M. KAMPELMAN, former counselor of the Department of State and U.S. nuclear arms control negotiator
“No other American had the opportunity to observe the Soviet government’s collapse at such close range. Thanks to Ambassador Matlock’s excellent contacts and mature judgment, his book represents a unique record of this historic event.”
–RICHARD PIPES, Frank Baird, Jr., Professor of History Emeritus, Harvard University
From the Hardcover edition.
Kurzbeschreibung
In Reagan and Gorbachev, Jack F. Matlock, Jr., gives an eyewitness account of how the Cold War ended, with humankind declared the winner. As Reagan’s principal adviser on Soviet and European affairs, and later as the U.S. ambassador to the U.S.S.R., Matlock lived history: He was the point person for Reagan’s evolving policy of conciliation toward the Soviet Union. Working from his own papers, recent interviews with major figures, and archival sources both here and abroad, Matlock offers an insider’s perspective on a diplomatic campaign far more sophisticated than previously thought, led by two men of surpassing vision.
Matlock details how, from the start of his term, Reagan privately pursued improved U.S.—U.S.S.R. relations, while rebuilding America’s military and fighting will in order to confront the Soviet Union while providing bargaining chips. When Gorbachev assumed leadership, however, Reagan and his advisers found a potential partner in the enterprise of peace. At first the two leaders sparred, agreeing on little. Gradually a form of trust emerged, with Gorbachev taking politically risky steps that bore long-term benefits, like the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the U.S.S.R.’s significant unilateral troop reductions in 1988.
Through his recollections and unparalleled access to the best and latest sources, Matlock describes Reagan’s and Gorbachev’s initial views of each other. We learn how the two prepared for their meetings; we discover that Reagan occasionally wrote to Gorbachev in his own hand, both to personalize the correspondence and to prevent nit-picking by hard-liners in his administration. We also see how the two men were pushed closer together by the unlikeliest characters (Senator Ted Kennedy and François Mitterrand among them) and by the two leaders’ remarkable foreign ministers, George Shultz and Eduard Shevardnadze.
The end of the Cold War is a key event in modern history, one that demanded bold individuals and decisive action. Both epic and intimate, Reagan and Gorbachev will be the standard reference, a work that is critical to our understanding of the present and the past.
From the Hardcover edition.
Matlock details how, from the start of his term, Reagan privately pursued improved U.S.—U.S.S.R. relations, while rebuilding America’s military and fighting will in order to confront the Soviet Union while providing bargaining chips. When Gorbachev assumed leadership, however, Reagan and his advisers found a potential partner in the enterprise of peace. At first the two leaders sparred, agreeing on little. Gradually a form of trust emerged, with Gorbachev taking politically risky steps that bore long-term benefits, like the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the agreement to abolish intermediate-range nuclear missiles and the U.S.S.R.’s significant unilateral troop reductions in 1988.
Through his recollections and unparalleled access to the best and latest sources, Matlock describes Reagan’s and Gorbachev’s initial views of each other. We learn how the two prepared for their meetings; we discover that Reagan occasionally wrote to Gorbachev in his own hand, both to personalize the correspondence and to prevent nit-picking by hard-liners in his administration. We also see how the two men were pushed closer together by the unlikeliest characters (Senator Ted Kennedy and François Mitterrand among them) and by the two leaders’ remarkable foreign ministers, George Shultz and Eduard Shevardnadze.
The end of the Cold War is a key event in modern history, one that demanded bold individuals and decisive action. Both epic and intimate, Reagan and Gorbachev will be the standard reference, a work that is critical to our understanding of the present and the past.
From the Hardcover edition.
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Buchdeckel | Copyright | Inhaltsverzeichnis | Auszug | Stichwortverzeichnis
Buchdeckel | Copyright | Inhaltsverzeichnis | Auszug | Stichwortverzeichnis
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4 von 4 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
GREAT DESCRIPTION OF NEGOTIATIONS, PERSONAL RELATIONSHIP
23. Dezember 2009
Format:Taschenbuch|Von Amazon bestätigter Kauf
Matlock, the author, was US Ambassador to the USRR and assistant secretary of state during the period of the Reagan administration. This book is written from a US perspective, with rich detail on US positions and thinking and relatively little form the USSR perspective, as is to be expected.
The book goes into detail on Reagan's attempts to negotiate first with Chernenko, then with Andropov and finally with Gorbachev. It goes into especially lively description of the Reykjavik meeting, a low point in the relationship but that turned out to open the door to future agreement. It follows with Reagan's visit to Moscow and his address to the soviet people, followed by Gorbachev's visit to the US.
Though interesting and definitely entertaining, this book is very focused on the specific negociations and meetings between the US and the USSR, not on the general scenario or the outsinde conditions that led the parties to make their choices. It is a bit thin on specifics about the leaders of the negotiation on the USSR side, especially I think because at the time of writing much of these were still not available. I recommend it to those already familiar with the topic who would like a more in depth knowledge of the negotiations, but there are many other books for the first time reader of soviet affairs.
The book goes into detail on Reagan's attempts to negotiate first with Chernenko, then with Andropov and finally with Gorbachev. It goes into especially lively description of the Reykjavik meeting, a low point in the relationship but that turned out to open the door to future agreement. It follows with Reagan's visit to Moscow and his address to the soviet people, followed by Gorbachev's visit to the US.
Though interesting and definitely entertaining, this book is very focused on the specific negociations and meetings between the US and the USSR, not on the general scenario or the outsinde conditions that led the parties to make their choices. It is a bit thin on specifics about the leaders of the negotiation on the USSR side, especially I think because at the time of writing much of these were still not available. I recommend it to those already familiar with the topic who would like a more in depth knowledge of the negotiations, but there are many other books for the first time reader of soviet affairs.
0 von 2 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Uh huh.
30. März 2012
Format:Taschenbuch
You gotta be kidding. Reagan deserves very little credit for the demise of the Soviet Union. The rise of Pope John Paul II, who was plucked from his position as cardinal in Soviet satellite Poland, had much more to do with it. The Pope visited Poland twice in the first few years of his reign, and in so doing, bolstered the burgeoning Solidarity movement. Russia hesitated to use military force not because of Reagan, the Mitrokhin Archive reveals, but because they knew the Poles would not be quelled. From there, the revolt spread, until in 1989, the Germans cooked up their own revolution based on Soviet missteps and a deep desire for reunification. Reagan's people took credit for something they were not responsible for.
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