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Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War (NONE)

Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War (NONE) [Kindle Edition]

Ludwig von Mises
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Omnipotent Government is not only a history of the fall of Germany, but also a powerful critique of the political, social, and economic ideologies that have shaped Western history in the last two hundred years. The ordeal of two World Wars, according to Mises, was the inevitable result of ideologies that call upon government for the management of human affairs. People today hail every step toward more government as "progress," and call for more laws, regulations, and their enforcement by courts and police. They are yearning for Caesar. They forget the consequences of total government. Omnipotent Government is a potent reminder.


Published in 1944, during World War II, Omnipotent Government was Mises's first book written and published after he arrived in the United States. In this volume Mises provides in economic terms an explanation of the international conflicts that caused both world wars. Although written more than half a century ago, Mises's main theme still stands:  government interference in the economy leads to conflicts and wars. According to Mises, the last and best hope for peace is liberalism—the philosophy of liberty, free markets, limited government, and democracy.Ludwig von Mises (1881–1973) was the leading spokesman of the Austrian School of economics throughout most of the twentieth century. He earned his doctorate in law and economics from the University of Vienna in 1906. In 1926, Mises founded the Austrian Institute for Business Cycle Research. From 1909 to 1934, he was an economist for the Vienna Chamber of Commerce. Before the Anschluss, in 1934 Mises left for Geneva, where he was a professor at the Graduate Institute of International Studies until 1940, when he emigrated to New York City. From 1948 to 1969, he was a visiting professor at New York University.Bettina Bien Greaves is a former resident scholar, trustee, and longtime staff member of the Foundation for Economic Education. She has written and lectured extensively on topics of free market economics. Her articles have appeared in such journals as Human Events, Reason, and The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty. A student of Mises, Greaves has become an expert on his work in particular and that of the Austrian School of economics in general. She has translated several Mises monographs, compiled an annotated bibliography of his work, and edited collections of papers by Mises and other members of the Austrian School.


  • Format: Kindle Edition
  • Dateigröße: 688 KB
  • Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe: 350 Seiten
  • Verlag: Liberty Fund Inc.; Auflage: New edition (2. Januar 2013)
  • Verkauf durch: Amazon Media EU S.à r.l.
  • Sprache: Englisch
  • ASIN: B00AWI93XK
  • Text-to-Speech (Vorlesemodus): Aktiviert
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5.0 von 5 Sternen Es ist bezeichnend 20. Juni 2013
Format:Kindle Edition
das es die meisten Bücher von von Mises (nur) in Englisch gibt. Obwohl er verschiedene Bücher in Deutsch geschrieben hat. So ist Human Action eine Weiterführung von Nationalökonomie. Was man aber auch an der Sprache erkennen kann, von Mises hat im deutschsprachigen Raum eine kleine Lobby. Bekannteste Vertreter dürften Roland Baader (Geldsozialismus) und auch Thorsten Polleit sein. Wer will kann dazu mal [...] vorbeischauen. Bücher von von Mises kann man immer empfehlen (je später die Veröffentlichung umso klarer wird die Basis der "Österreicher" ausgearbeitet). Für das Verständnis dieses Buches ist es hilfreich
sich die doch 1000 seitige Biographie durchzulesen. Nur so versteht man wirklich wie von Mises auf diese Kritik gekommen ist.

Denn vor allem ist es eine Kritik an einem ausufernden Staat. Von Mises erkannte als einer der wenigen die Zusammenhänge zwischen Sozialisten und Nationalsozialisten. Vor den letzteren mußte er aus Deutschland fliehen. Von Mises nimmt sich im einzelnen Bereiche vor in der des eine Ausdehnung des Staates geht, sei es die Sozialgesetze oder die Erfolge der Gewerkschaften. Es gezeigt, daß es mit einer zentralen Planung niemals funktionieren kann. Nur der freiwillige Austausch und die Diskriminierung durch Kunden kann insgesamt zu Wohlstand führen. Der "allmächtige" Staat kann es nicht - selbst wenn er wollte.

Ich kann Ihnen wirklich nur empfehlen so viel wie möglich von von Mises zu lesen und dazu dann die Alternativmodelle wie z.B. von Marx, diversen Sozialisten etc. Sie werden in kaum einem
neueren Werk derartige klare Argumente (ohne innere Widersprüche) lesen können.
Lesen Sie weiter... ›
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5.0 von 5 Sternen Articulate theory of fascism as a branch of socialism. 3. Juni 1998
Von - Veröffentlicht auf
Ludwig Von Mises, one of the last great Austrian liberal economists, had escaped from Nazi and Communist aggression in continental Europes at the time the book was written. Mises had arrived at the conclusion, made famous by his former student Friedrich Hayek, that fascism was simply a logical extension of the socialist philosophy. The need to engage in violent conquest was a result of socialism's attempts to raise national living standards while avoiding the "plague" of international capitalism. The only alternative for nations such as Germany, which had already embraced autocratic socialism under the Bismark, was to launch an unending series of military assults against their neighbors in order to avoid national starvation and impoverishment. The true irony of socialism is that it creates conditions that are completely opposed to its stated goals i.e. militarism instead of peace, poverty instead of plenty, and the destruction of freedom instead of an increase in human growth and potential.
10 von 11 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
5.0 von 5 Sternen The History of Modern European Conflict 3. April 2008
Von D. W. MacKenzie - Veröffentlicht auf
The specific purpose of this book is to refute the mythology of an omnipotent dictator, who guides better than can markets. Unlike his other books, Mises relies more on history than theory to make his case. Omnipotent Government examines modern European history in an effort to explain the problems of twentieth century Europe.

Understanding the problems of Europe requires inquiry into the history of events and the history of ideas both. Liberalism is the policy of international peace, yet somehow people came to embrace particularly aggressive forms of nationalistic socialism (i.e. Nazism). Since the free trade policies of Europe are central to peaceful international relations, hostility between socialist nations (i.e. the Nazi and Soviet nations) is hardly surprising.

The productivity of modern industry hinges upon the international division of labor. Without international trade, productivity would fall to the point where only a fraction of the world population could survive. The consequences of National Socialism, and even protectionism, are therefore dire. The analysis in this book is not entirely new. Mises got into some of this material in his 1922 book Socialism, and Economic and Sociological Analysis. Lionel Robbins also did similar work in his Economic Planning and International Order.

Omnipotent is the most historical of Mises' books. This book is important as a historical work. It is also important because it explains the international aspects of the calculation critique of socialism better than his other works. Omnipotent Government also shows that Mises was not anti-empirical. Mises stressed the importance of theory because he rejected empirical analysis. Mises stressed the need for logically valid theory as the means of understanding history. As Mises notes towards the end of this book, the Classical Liberal program of free trade was rejected because people did not understand the importance of international division of labor. To put it simply, this book serves as an example of how history should be done.
16 von 19 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
4.0 von 5 Sternen The best pro-capitalist analysis of the rise of Naziism 18. September 1997
Von Michael Krechmer ( - Veröffentlicht auf
This book deserves a 10 for its ideas but is hard reading. Well worthwhile especially for disspelling the myth that fascism is some form of 'Ubercapitalism.' The author's brilliance clearly shines through the difficult writing
1 von 1 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Von Steven H. Propp - Veröffentlicht auf
Ludwig Heinrich Edler von Mises (1881-1973) was one of the major figures in the Austrian School of economics; Friedrich Hayek was a pupil of his. His major works were Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, Third Revised Edition and Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis.

He wrote in the Preface to this 1944 book, "Those disagreeing with ... dictatorship claim for themselves the right to discuss freely the problems involved. They do not write 'state' with a capital S. They do not shrink from analyzing the metaphysical notions of Hegelianism and Marxism. They reduce all this high-sounding oratory to the simple question: are the means suggested suitable to attain the ends sought? In answering this question, they hope to render a service to the great majority of their fellow men."

He says sharply, "No German has contributed anything to the elaboration of the great system of liberal thought" (pg. 21) He insists that "Liberalism differs radically from anarchism. It has nothing in common with the absurd illusions of the anarchists." (Pg. 52) More controversially, he argues that "The fundamental tenets of Nazi ideology do not differ from the generally accepted social and economic ideologies. The difference concerns only the application of these ideologies to the special problems of Germany." (Pg. 240)

Interestingly, he notes that John Maynard Keynes' famous (infamous?) phrase, "In the long run we are all dead" was not intended to recommend short-run policies, "but in order to criticze some inadequate methods and statements of monetary theory... However, the phrase best characterizes the economic policies recommended by Lord Keynes and his school." (Pg. 272)

He concludes on a discouraging note: Liberalism is "impracticable," because most people are "still too unenlightened to grasp its meaning." He adds that the classical liberals "overrated both the intellectual capacity of the average men and the ability of the elite to convert their less judicious fellow citizens to sound ideas." (Pg. 306)

While not one of Mises' "must read" works, students of Mises will still find this book of considerable interest.
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