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How to Run the World: Charting a Course to the Next Renaissance
 
 
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How to Run the World: Charting a Course to the Next Renaissance [Englisch] [Gebundene Ausgabe]

Parag Khanna

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Praise for Parag Khanna’s How to Run the World

“"The world has money, talent, technology, food, fuel, entrepreneurs, and do-gooders in spades, but we lack solidarity to bring it all together. Parag Khanna’s How to Run the World tackles our spiraling complexity head-on yet paints a hopeful picture of how our scary, turbulent, and unpredictable new Middle Ages can be turned into another Renaissance if we harness the power of today’s governments, multinational firms, NGOs, philanthropists, celebrities, entrepreneurs, innovators, and communities of the faithful to create new models of good governance. It is their solidarity that will secure our future. This book is a fresh, bold, provocative—and, most important, realistic—guide to getting us there." 
--Greg Mortenson, author of Three Cups of Tea and Stones into Schools

“By exhorting leaders to make use of new, open technologies that encourage more diverse and dynamic marketplaces, Parag Khanna makes a powerful argument: the world can become smarter than the sum of its parts. We need to pay attention to his ideas.” —Eric Schmidt, CEO, Google
 
"Parag Khanna has vision."—Nassim Nicholas Taleb
 
  "The term 'sweeping' hardly does justice to the ambition of Indian-born Parag Khanna... Makes the pulse race."       —The Economist

"At a time when the lines between government and business are blurring and most pundits are quick to color them over with the promise of technology, Khanna has given us an important guide that will help us run the world into the future."—Forbes

 "New America Foundation senior research fellow Khanna (The Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order, 2008) calls for a new “mega-diplomacy” to solve problems in a period of global uncertainty. Diplomats have long negotiated how to run the world, writes the author. In ancient Sumerian city-states, they channeled the messages of deities among kings. In modern times, they have divvied up the globe after major wars. With no single power in control, today’s “fractured, fragmented, ungovernable” post–Cold War world demands a new kind of diplomacy based on coalitions of governments, corporations and civic actors. Empowered by the information revolution, writes Khanna, public and private partners can collaborate efficiently across national borders to meet such 21st-century challenges as terrorism, the AIDS epidemic and climate change. Key practitioners of this new diplomacy include the entrepreneurs, academics, activists, celebrities and others who have worked in unusual and collaborative ways to achieve such goals as a landmine ban, debt relief and the International Criminal Court. They range from Bill and Melinda Gates to luminaries like Bono and Angelina Jolie—all individuals with resources and influence—and include NGOs like the Open Society Institute, which shapes important global questions; the World Economic Forum, “archetype of the new diplomacy,” which brings diverse players together on equal footing at annual summits; and the Clinton Global Initiative, which fosters cross-sector partnerships among leaders in politics, business and civil society. Khanna suggests ways in which the new diplomacy can help spur fresh approaches in problem areas—encouraging greater intelligence cooperation on terrorism among countries, giving Somali fishermen incentives to not engage in piracy (such as new boats to boost their catch) and convincing regimes in Iran and North Korea that they don’t need nuclear programs. In the environmental arena, meaningful public-private initiatives spurred by the new diplomacy can have far more impact than international agreements, he writes. For a model of mega-diplomacy, the author points to Europe, where members of the borderless European Union are experimenting and cooperating to meet shared challenges. A valuable contribution to the global-governance debate. "
--Kirkus Reviews
 
“Khanna writes clearly, with conviction and charm, and his neomedieval metaphor is intriguing.”—Publishers Weekly
 
“Sweeping, fascinating, provocative—and some may find it irritating. Call it what you will, but you must read it. There’s no book like it.” —John G. Ruggie, Berthold Beitz Professor in Human Rights and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
 
“In this provocative book, Parag Khanna turns on its head much of the assumed reality of 21st century power... Who now has the responsibility? Parag Khanna goes a long way to suggesting answers that many will find uncomfortable.”
—Nik Gowing, Main Presenter, BBC World News
 
“Today’s crises from financial instability to natural disasters require solutions that bold but also pragmatic. In How to Run the World, Parag Khanna delivers both. G-20 leaders and corporate executives need to urgently read this book and learn how to really move beyond business as usual."—Dr. Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman, World Economic Forum


Praise for Parag Khanna’s The Second World
 
“A fascinating, colorful, and always intelligent tour through a new world.”—Fareed Zakaria
 
“A savvy, streetwise primer on dozens of individual countries that adds up to a coherent theory of global politics.”—Robert D. Kaplan
 
“Confident in his predictions and bold in his recommendations . . . Khanna’s book is written with ambition, scope, and verve that sets it apart from the usual foreign policy tome.”—Andrei Cherny, The New York Sun
 
“A panoramic overview that boldly addresses the dilemmas of the world that our next president will confront.”—Zbigniew Brzezinski
 
“Khanna is something of a foreign policy whiz kid.”—Raymond Bonner, The New York Times Book Review

“[A] sweeping, often audacious survey of contemporary geopolitics . . . moves at lightning speed.”—William Grimes, The New York Times

Kurzbeschreibung

Here is a stunning and provocative guide to the future of international relations—a system for managing global problems beyond the stalemates of business versus government, East versus West, rich versus poor, democracy versus authoritarianism, free markets versus state capitalism. Written by the most esteemed and innovative adventurer-scholar of his generation, Parag Khanna’s How to Run the World posits a chaotic modern era that resembles the Middle Ages, with Asian empires, Western militaries, Middle Eastern sheikhdoms, magnetic city-states, wealthy multinational corporations, elite clans, religious zealots, tribal hordes, and potent media seething in an ever more unpredictable and dangerous storm. But just as that initial “dark age” ended with the Renaissance, Khanna believes that our time can become a great and enlightened age as well—only, though, if we harness our technology and connectedness to forge new networks among governments, businesses, and civic interest groups to tackle the crises of today and avert those of tomorrow.

With his trademark energy, intellect, and wit, Khanna reveals how a new “mega-diplomacy” consisting of coalitions among motivated technocrats, influential executives, super-philanthropists, cause-mopolitan activists, and everyday churchgoers can assemble the talent, pool the money, and deploy the resources to make the global economy fairer, rebuild failed states, combat terrorism, promote good governance, deliver food, water, health care, and education to those in need, and prevent environmental collapse. With examples taken from the smartest capital cities, most progressive boardrooms, and frontline NGOs, Khanna shows how mega-diplomacy is more than an ad hoc approach to running a world where no one is in charge—it is the playbook for creating a stable and self-correcting world for future generations.

How to Run the World is the cutting-edge manifesto for diplomacy in a borderless world.


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19 von 20 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Misguided Utopia with a few valid insights 11. März 2011
Von Bartlomiej Walczak - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format:Gebundene Ausgabe
Let me start with what I liked from the book: the observation about everyone being a diplomat of his/her country, culture and/or institution, of the fact that NGOs can be more flexible than nation-states, and the acknowledgement that NGOs, corporations and even single people are important political players in todays world. This is the reality and it certainly should be embraced in one way or another.

However, apart from this, the rest 4/5ths of the book is over-optimistic praise of the actions of said players, at the expense of nation-states with some ideas that contradict each other and present the author's shallow understanding of history or economics mixed in with hopes and dreams of some globalist institutions and think-tanks.

Let me start with his metaphor of "the next Renaissance". His comparison of a current world to a medieval one is not really valid. For one, the trade and importance of non-state players did not start in Renaissance, like he claims. In the Antiquity Romans created a tremendous empire based on the flow of goods from one end of Europe to another, and their sophistication of banking, commerce and politics was really impressive (including financial crises as well). It survived during the Middle Ages, especially in Italy. Medieval world was also no more fragmented than Renaissance one, or than it is now. Renaissance did not end indented servitude, slavery, or other woes of the world.

Second, the economy based on credit is seemingly reaching its final capacity. To advocate the fact that bank can issue any amount of credit it wants, just making sure that it is securitized, is a folly which lies at the roots of present financial crisis. If an underwriter of a security does not have enough money to cover the losses if the credit is not paid, then the whole security is worthless and no rating agency is going to change that. The risk does not disappear, just because you think you transferred it to somebody else. This is a major flaw in the thinking that is presented in this book. Considering noticeable trends of some important players to come back to a currency that is in some way asset-based, the author's ideas seem to be a little out-of-sync with reality.

Third, singing the glory of NGOs, corporations and "philanthropists" is unfortunately possible only by picking and choosing from their actions, and is an excellent study for confirmation bias. For every example of good deeds done, there is a counter-example of the harm done either intentionally or not. To present the issue otherwise is a fallacy. To advocate that they would bring the Utopian New World Order if they were not hindered by nation-states, is a folly.

Fourth, some of the recipes to remake the world presented in the second part are really astounding. Advocating assassination of government leaders hardly seems to me as an example of "diplomacy" in any way. It is also very easy to divide countries that are thousands of miles away, because it seems the right thing to do advised by a few selected experts.

After reading the first part it almost looks as if the good ideas (decentralization of power, initiatives that come from bottom-up instead of top-down) were really a bait and switch for presenting another Utopian vision of the world, which is not a result of proposed changes, just a place where the power was transferred to other big players.

All this also suffers from the one-sided look at human nature, without any serious consideration of the dark side - the thirst for power, the love of money, fraud (praising Khaddaffi's Sovereign Fund in the light of recent events in Libya is really a good illustration of author's bias), racial and ethnic hatred, and all other things that also make us human.

Overall the book is shallow, optimistic, and misleading. It might be important to read it to know that there are people who think this way, and who also have important voice in current world of politics, but apart from that - reader beware.
21 von 23 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Pithy, Panoramic but perhaps too Positive 30. Januar 2011
Von Saleem Ali - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format:Gebundene Ausgabe|Von Amazon bestätigter Kauf
Parag Khanna is widely recognized as a voice of clarity on globalization among the myriad think tanks of Washington DC. In his second book, Khanna posits how some of the fruits of globalization can be harvested to create a more functional order. As the title suggests, this book has a very bold agenda and it is exceedingly difficult to claim a recipe to run the world without provoking some accusations of hubris. However, Khanna is able to craft a narrative which makes organizations and social entrepreneurs around the world his protagonists, rather than himself as the sage on the stage. Introducing the concept of "mega-diplomacy", allows him to bridge conventional approaches to international relations with the emergence of a plethora of unconventional governance structures that are manifest in civil society groups. He suggest that such endeavors organically create functionality like the world of "Wikipedia." Khanna is most respectful of statesman such as Jean Monnet whom he calls the first "multi-state diplomat" but he is also quite complementary to more familiar names such as Bill Clinton and organizations such as the World Economic Forum. Perhaps in this latter realm, he is not as critical as one might expect. For example, the World Economic Forum (WEF)has no doubt created an opportunity for interaction between the public and private sectors of our multinational world, but has also come under much criticism by the "third sector" -- NGOs. The shadow "World Social Forum" which activists have organized in response to the WEF deserved some coverage. Furthermore, the management of such organizations as well as those led by charismatic celebrities such as the Clinton Global Initiative, have a tendency to perpetuate "group-think" -- a critique voiced by Felix Simon of the Wall Street Journal in his reports from Davos in 2011. Despite these deficiencies, Khanna's attempt at synthesis of global challenges is admirable. His grand narrative would have definitely benefited from greater detail. I felt that this book could have been twice as long and might then have done greater justice to the intellect of the author and his audience. Unfortunately in the world of commercial publishing, authors seldom have the luxury of detail and nuance and that might explain the massive scale of the topic versus the scarce size of this book. Nevertheless, readers will certainly enjoy the anecdotes and insights offered and should stay tuned for more to come by this smart and ambitious young scholar.
13 von 17 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Extraordinary Personal Effort, Constrained by Publisher 21. Februar 2011
Von Robert D. Steele - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format:Gebundene Ausgabe
I received a copy of this book at my request from the author himself (I am unemployed, and globally available).

I gave the author's first book, The Second World: How Emerging Powers Are Redefining Global Competition in the Twenty-first Century, a five star leaning toward six review. This book is carried from a high four to a low five because of the concluding insights, but it also disappoints in relation to both the contributing experiences (as recounted in the Acknowledgments), and the broader literature that is not evident in this book, very possibly because of page limits set by the publisher. For more, see my Worth A Look: Book Review Lists (Positive) and also Worth A Look: Book Review Lists (Negative) at Phi Beta Iota the Public Intelligence Blog. Indeed, the author's work, his professional network, and his multi-cultural insights are a perfect complement to my own--he knows much that I do not know, and vice versa. The index is mediocre--that is on the publisher, not the author, and I suspect that other publisher constraints kept this book from being all that the author would normally have offered. The publisher has also been remiss in not offering "Look Inside the Book" details to Amazon, a free service.

The author's focus is on the failure of state-based diplomacy and the emergence as well as the need for more mega-diplomacy, which he quite ably defined as a constantly shifting mélange of hybrid relationships that full integrate nations, states, businesses, and non-governmental organizations--what they know, what they can share, and what they can do TOGETHER. Although the author is clearly a strong proponent of public-private partnerships, this is an area where others have done more nuanced work, generally limited to one sector. Panarchy: Understanding Transformations in Human and Natural Systems, and Paul Hertzog's work (Panarchy.com) are where we are all headed. On a second reading I picked up an easy to miss and rather startling emphasis, not fully developed, on the need to re-map colonial territories to diminish incentives for the military-industrial complex while boosting cross-border economic collaboration. The author sees, better than most, the harm done by artificial boundaries inconsistent with natural and tribal boundaries.

Hence, the author gets very high marks from me for seeing that political autonomy is the key to a prosperous world at peace, particularly in the context of the author's brilliant but all too brief concluding comments on the urgency of achieving information sharing with integrity across hybrid networks. It is here that I feel his book is a perfect complement to my own (or vice versa), INTELLIGENCE for EARTH: Clarity, Diversity, Integrity, & Sustainaabilty. I urge one and all to consult the Wikipedia page on Secession--there are over 5,000 secession movements around the world, a good 50 of them in the USA, and all a validation of the erudite and extraordinary book by Professor Philip Allott of Cambridge, The Health of Nations: Society and Law beyond the State.

The author gets very high marks from me for recognizing that governments are obstacles to health and efficiency; that failed states are a form of entropy, and that dictators are a core evil undermining the future of humanity. However, he also gets very low marks for being unwilling to focus on the blunt truth: corruption in all its forms is the Satan that curses us all, and the US Congress and two-party tyranny legalizing white collar crime and financial speculation ruinous of the global economy--and the US Government being "best pals" with 42 of the 44 dictators and overly influenced by Israeli Zionists (as opposed to Ha'aretz Jews of intelligence with strong ethical foundations)--are the primary source of global instability. [For a structured listing of books by others see my Negative book list.]

The author also focuses on the importance of mega-cities, and while not his central thrust, I find this part of the book compelling. Forty-one cities are two thirds of the global economy, and fewer than fifty cities cause most of the greenhouse gas output. What this really means to me is that the first "Smart City" could become a model for global revitalization. Although Singapore can make a claim (I gave the National Computer Board there the concept in 1994, a year prior to the publication of "Creating a Smart Nation: Strategy, Policy, Intelligence, and Information," in Government Information Quarterly 13/2) I personally would like to see a major US city "get it" in partnership with a much-expanded version of IBM's Smart Cities project. In combination with a national government that finally leverages a Strategic Analytic Model to eradicate poverty and the other nine high-level threats to humanity as identified and prioritized by the United Nations High Level Panel in A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility--Report of the Secretary-General's High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, by creating information sharing models that reveal the trust cost of every product and service and consequently harmonize both consumer power (buycotts, as Jim Turner calls them) and how the eight tribes of intelligence approach every problem, we could within 20 years create a prosperous world at peace. Below is a superb quote buried in a note--the author has much more to offer in the future on this important topic.

QUOTE: "According to the Legatum Prosperity Index, smart countries promote government efficiency, make starting businesses quick and cheap, expand education at all levels, invest in innovation, steadily open their economies, improve public health, and guarantee political and social rights. Australia, Austria, Finland, Germany, and Singapore are at the top of the list, while the Central African Republic, Mali, Zambia, and Yemen round out the bottom." [137]

This book would have been much stronger--and a certain 6 (my own rank, 10% of the books I review achieve that status)--if the author had spent more time studying both the obstacles to information sharing among the varied forms of organization and network, while also suggesting novel scalable approaches. He does recognize the importance of information sharing and sense-making. Written before the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Libya, and now China and Wisconsin, the author is proven prescient, but he could have done more with this.

Before ending with a small selection of quotes (quite a few more are in my worksheet for this book, with a link to that worksheet embedded in my copy of the review at Phi Beta Iota the Public Intelligence Blog), I want to itemize some principles the author mentions across the book that resonated very strongly with me.

+ Pillars of the next renaissance are intellectual humanism, the rediscovery of ancient wisdom, and the rise of vernaculars. The next Renaissance is about universal liberation through exponentially expanding and voluntary interconnections.

+ To manage collective space across communities, three principles (inclusiveness, decentralization, mutual accountability).

+ Seven core principles: Proactive, ends in mind, delegate trust to regional experts, win-win mind-set, understand others first, synergize, network.

QUOTE: "In 2008, twenty five years of poverty reduction efforts were wiped away through food and fuel price hikes." [157]

QUOTE: "We should think in terms of technology rather than technocracy to get the world's poorest the basics they need." [172]

QUOTE: "All grand global schemes miss the point that representation--democratic or otherwise--is not enough to satisfy out visceral need to be in control of our own affairs. Today, for the first time, the underrepresented and disenfranchises have access to information, communication, money, and the tools of violent revolution to demand and effect real change, not just variations of the status quo." [209]

QUOTE: "If a new global social contract is to emerge, it will be as a result of the communities of the world--whether nations, corporations, or faiths--sharing knowledge and cooperating, but also learning to respect one another's power and values. As they practice mega-diplomacy, they leverage each other's resources and hold one another accountable. In a world in which every player has a role in global policy, the only principle that can reliably guide us is pragmatism; learning from experience and applying its lessons. The dot-gov, dot-com, and dot-org worlds are converging toward such pragmatism." [213]

I collect English-speaking minds. His mind is easily in my top 100, and especially gifted in its multicultural understanding. He is too easy on both Wall Street and the ideologically-driven largely corrupt decisions of the US Government with respect to protecting both white collar criminals and dictators; I am sympathetic, he was labeled "unhinged" in his first book by those who are in denial over the high crimes associated with US Government protection and legalization of US capitalism as a predator as well as US Government systemic nurturing of dictators while paying lip service to human rights. In a separate conversation I learn that he is truly focused on systemic corruption and on bureaucratic inertia as a form of systemic corruption. I do not credit Transparency International as much as he does, nor is the UN proving effective with its first hybrid, the International Committee Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), whose first Commissioner, and first Chief Security Officer, were astonishingly corrupt in their own practices, something I experienced personally, along with gross negligence on the part of the US officials in charge of DSS, DPA, and the US Embassy in Guatemala. Corruption is indeed pervasive. To understand my holistic appreciation of corruption, see my commentary, Reflections on Integrity, at Phi Beta Iota the Public Intelligence Blog, and links below.

I respect this author, and look forward to his next book.

See Also:
Corruption and Anti-Corruption: An Applied Philosophical Approach
Overcoming Corruption: The Essentials
Anti-corruption: Webster's Timeline History, 1954 - 2007
Ideas and Integrities: A Spontaneous Autobiographical Disclosure
The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up

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