I wasn't sure if Goldberg's subject was worth a whole book, but I quickly found his precise language and flowing passages irresistible. His basic argument is that left-wing snobs in Washington and academia have ignored youth culture instead of reaching out to it. Goldberg feels that this error has caused the Democrats many elections including the Presidential election of 2000.
He spends the largest part of the book disagreeing with Tipper Gore about her campaign to label rock music, and Joe Lieberman about his attacks on Hollywood and entertainment. He points out that Bill Clinton won the youth vote in 1996 by 19 points, because Bob Dole spent so much time attacking Hollywood, but with Lieberman and Gore on the ticket in 2000, the youth vote was evenly divided between them and Bush. Just a small percentage of that vote in the Democrats direction would have turned that election around.
Goldberg makes some good points about how politicians have been veering close to censorship with their hand-wringing and committee hearings, and grandstanding. As a member of the ACLU and the music industry, Goldberg fears the infringement of the first amendment. He feels that the biggest problem for progressives is a dominant leftwing snobbery that is more interested in bland academic liberalism than the raw energetic rebellion of youth culture.
Goldberg's defense of the first amendment is as articulate as I've heard in the discussion, but he seems like his own worst enemy. While arguing that politicians are spending too much time attacking first amendment freedoms, he encourages politicians to attack second amendment freedoms. When Congress says that explicit material should be policed, Goldberg suggests that it's really guns that are dangerous. This is a mistake for two reasons.
First, Goldberg is saying that the artistic youth music and culture speaks to a great many people, but even the most explicit calls for sex and violence do nothing to influence youngsters. On the other hand, guns attached to no call for action cause people to do horrible things. History has always shown that ideas have greater consequences than armaments. Did the German arsenal cause World War II or was it the demagoguery of Hitler?
Second, by arguing to halt second amendment freedoms, Goldberg yields politicians the moral authority to halt first amendment freedoms. This is a big mistake, because the only argument you can make against censorship is a constitutional one. If the constitution can be ignored because of a popularly perceived danger, then it can be ignored anytime a crafty politician sees a ready voting block.
I think this is why Goldberg argues it's in the best interests of leftists to embrace popular culture. Since he has little faith in the original intent of the constitution he can only win the heart of worried liberals by demonstrating to them an untapped voting block, the young. This way they can still tinker with the constitution in ways that he approves of, but they won't mess with an industry that is close to his heart. But the idea that we can just convince politicians that rock music is bland but guns are dangerous isn't going to protect our rights in the long run.
I don't think he can win over the politicians he is trying to reach, because most kids cannot vote and all parents can. The fact that liberals like the Gores and Liebermans were worried about their own kids is a sign that all children rebel in some form and even liberal parents are somewhat fearful of it. And since all parents can vote, politicians on the Right and Left are going to pander to the biggest voting block. Clinton may have won more of the youth vote in 1996, but he truly liked pop culture and he didn't have to worry about angering parents because Perot was there to chew up Reagan Democrats and other independents.
The Gore campaign realized that traditional blue collar Democrats crossed the lines and voted Republican in 1980, 1984, 1988. Without the benefit of a rightwing challenger like Ross Perot in 2000, Gore would have to win a bigger percentage of white middle class voters to succeed. A few percentage points of parents vote was worth more than a few percentage points of youth vote.
Despite some disagreements, I leaned that I have a lot more in common with fellow citizens like Goldberg than politicians that share my views. Both Goldberg and I want our leaders to be driven by ideas and idealism, but they are really driven by winning elections. Thus, we're both frustrated by politicians that will trade our rights to pander to a voting block. I only wish I could convince Goldberg to join me in the protection of all constitutional freedoms. That unity, I think, is the only way we can keep the opportunists from selling us out for their own empowerment.
Anyway, I was happy to read a well argued book from a fellow citizen even if we don't agree on conclusions.