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A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and its Evolution (Englisch) Taschenbuch – 2. Juli 2013


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Produktinformation

  • Taschenbuch: 262 Seiten
  • Verlag: Princeton Univers. Press; Auflage: Reprint (2. Juli 2013)
  • Sprache: Englisch
  • ISBN-10: 0691158169
  • ISBN-13: 978-0691158167
  • Größe und/oder Gewicht: 24,9 x 17,8 x 2,3 cm
  • Durchschnittliche Kundenbewertung: 3.3 von 5 Sternen  Alle Rezensionen anzeigen (3 Kundenrezensionen)
  • Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 163.954 in Fremdsprachige Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Fremdsprachige Bücher)
  • Komplettes Inhaltsverzeichnis ansehen

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"The achievement of Bowles and Gintis is to have put together from the many disparate sources of evidence a story as plausible as any we're likely to get in the present state of behavioural sciences of how human beings came to be as co-operative as they are."--W.G. Runciman, London Review of Books "In A Cooperative Species, economists Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis update their ideas on the evolutionary origins of altruism. Containing new data and analysis, their book is a sustained and detailed argument for how genes and culture have together shaped our ability to cooperate... By presenting clear models that are tied tightly to empirically derived parameters, Bowles and Gintis encourage much-needed debate on the origins of human cooperation."--Peter Richerson, Nature "An outstanding book that presents an important contribution and quite simply raises the scientific standard associated with the difficult and contentious problem of how human altruism evolved."--Charles Efferson, Economic Journal "A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution states a clearly articulated gene-culture coevolution explanation for why we are a cooperative species. It is a read that will stretch readers' minds a bit, and I think it is an eminently valuable read... I await with eagerness the next time Bowles and Gintis are out cooperating again."--Jonathan D. Springer, PsycCRITIQUES "[T]he authors' systematic and mathematical approach will appeal to any reader seriously interested in learning about alternative theories of adaptive altruism, and their treatment of cultural inheritance using population-genetic models is first-rate. Although this book will by no means settle the debate surrounding the evolutionary origin of altruism, it is a worthy addition and is well worth reading."--P. William Hughes, Journal of Economic Issues "Bowles and Gintis are clearly not short of ideas. The attention they draw to the role of conflict and coordinated punishment in the evolution of our cooperative and reciprocal species makes the book very much worth reading. Their focus on the evolution of human nature also paints a much richer picture of our behavior than traditional economics tends to do."--Journal of Economic Literature "Bowles and Gintis are not the first to claim that competition, conflict, and war between human groups is the foundation of cooperation and of society. However, their integration of this insight into evolutionary game theory stands to increase the accessibility of this powerful idea to a large number of scholars working in a dominant theoretical perspective that spans the social and biological sciences. This is one reason why I recommend their new book A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution."--Noah Mark, Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation "This book makes a strong case for returning as a discipline to this vexed theme. I can only hope we do so with the analytical ingenuity and empirical humility that Bowles and Gintis display."--Jacob G. Foster, American Journal of Sociology "Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution should be of interest to individuals across multiple disciplines. The book provides a compelling argument supported by multiple kinds of theoretical and empirical evidence. Although the book does use some technical language and examples in places, the explanation is sufficiently clear to make the main ideas and arguments of the book accessible to individuals who were not previously familiar with these technicalities."--Christopher M. Caldwell, Metapsychology Online "[This book] makes important contributions to our understanding of the nature and function of emotions in politics, including the evolution of emotion and cognition and their linkages to democratic governance... [It] should become [an] important resource for students of politics who have the requisite background in the behavioral sciences and wish to develop an integrated, life science perspective in their own work."--Michael S. Latner, Politics and the Life Sciences

Über den Autor und weitere Mitwirkende

Samuel Bowles heads the Behavioral Sciences Program at the Santa Fe Institute and teaches economics at the University of Siena. Herbert Gintis holds faculty positions at the Santa Fe Institute, Central European University, and the University of Siena.

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5 von 5 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich Von Matthias Berg am 19. Juli 2011
Format: Gebundene Ausgabe
I was really looking forward to reading this book. One of the questions that keep haunting me is: how is it possible that the same species that David Livingston Smith called (correctly) "The Most Dangerous Animal" (dangerous for other members of its own species, that is!) is at the same time one of the most cooperative species of the world, surpassed only by eusocial insects and maybe naked moles? This book, I hoped, would give me some hint to solve this conundrum. And it did.

But first a warning : When the book finally arrived, I leafed through it - and was tempted to send it back immediately. Mathematical formulas and equations, lots of, crawling like little black spiders on every second page! Math makes me sick. I haven't got any mathematical education beyond the rule of three (and I'm not proud of it, believe me), so I tackled the book with more trepidation than hope. Unfortunately, the style also lived up to my worst fears: hardcore scientific prose you normally expect in journals like "Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology" or "Journal of economic Theory". I never read these publications, a trait I share with the majority of Amazon customers, I guess.
It's not a book for somebody with a diploma in, say, philosophy or literature, who just happens to be interested in the question "Why are humans such a cooperative species?". It's a book written by two experts for their fellow experts, and unless readers are well versed in economic or game theory they will have content themselves with reading for gist.

So I just kept skipping the parts with the math and tried to make sense of the rest. And now for the good news: The rest does make sense. It gave me some hints to look for an answer to the maddening ambivalence of human nature I mentioned above.
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Das Buch erklärt warum Nächstenliebe und Fremdenhass eng miteinander verknüpft sind und wie unsere Selbstlosigkeit den "Unseren" gegenüber nur aus ruchlosem Kampf gegen die "Anderen" entstehen konnte. Ein Ergebnis, dass die Autoren selbst beunruhigt, das aber zwingend aus der Anwendung der Spieltheorie an die Entstehung der Kooperation resultiert. Unsere ethischen Werte haben widersprüchliche Ursachen.
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0 von 2 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich Von vogelfrei am 7. März 2013
Format: Kindle Edition
This book is just a copy of everthing already said by Tomasello. I really am surpised that the author dared to copy all ideas and to just behave as if it were his ideas. Plagiarism apparently pays well.
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18 von 19 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
A deep, dense, brilliant illumination 8. August 2012
Von W. D ONEIL - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format: Kindle Edition Verifizierter Kauf
(This is a major rewrite of an earlier review, which I decided on reflection was not as clear as it might have been.)

This is a book with a complex context, and it is best to understand something of that context in order to get a clear view of the book. Briefly, Bowles and Gintis have set themselves to resolve one of the most vexing issues in evolutionary theory, that of whether the widespread human trait of altruism toward those who are not close kin can have arisen through natural selection, and if so just how. To do so they must wage war on some views that approach dogma, and they gird and armor themselves with mathematics and factual detail. All this does not make for easy reading, but it is very worth the effort. And it is not necessary to trace all of the details to get a great deal out of it.

In the popular view, the theory of natural selection implies that nice guys always finish last, that it is the strong and ruthless who are fittest, not the cooperative and altruistic. The hyperaggressive Wall St. sociopath is seen as evolution's ideal type. It would seem to follow that altruism cannot be the product of evolution, and thus that natural selection cannot entirely account for the nature of humankind.

Darwin understood all this quite clearly and it troubled him not a little. In a famous passage in The Descent of Man he acknowledged, "It is extremely doubtful whether the offspring of the more sympathetic and benevolent parents, or of those who were the most faithful to their comrades, would be reared in greater numbers than the children of selfish and treacherous parents belonging to the same tribe. He who was ready to sacrifice his life, as many a savage has been, rather than betray his comrades, would often leave no offspring to inherit his noble nature. The bravest men, who were always willing to come to the front in war, and who freely risked their lives for others, would on an average perish in larger numbers than other men."

Darwin argued, however, that the contribution made by the "sympathetic and benevolent" to the survival and success of the group would outweigh the individual advantages of the "selfish and treacherous" : "Let it be borne in mind how all-important in the never-ceasing wars of savages, fidelity and courage must be.... A tribe rich in the above qualities would spread and be victorious over other tribes: but in the course of time it would, judging from all past history, be in its turn overcome by some other tribe still more highly endowed. Thus the social and moral qualities would tend slowly to advance and be diffused throughout the world." Thus was born the concept of group selection.

But nearly four decades ago, group selection died a messy and protracted death, a victim of mathematical analysis of natural selection's mechanisms, the then-new understanding of the molecular basis for transmission of the traits on which natural selection acts, and deeper understanding of the heredity of social insects. I've heard more than one biologist or mathematical biologist say flatly that "group selection is all rubbish." (For a summary and scorecard see Mark E. Borrello, "The Rise, Fall and Resurrection of Group Selection," Endeavour 29, No. 1 (Mar 2005): 43-47.)

In reality, however, it never was that absolute. As the great mathematical biologist John Maynard Smith put it, "The terms group selection should be confined to cases in which the group ... is the unit of selection. This requires that groups be able to 'reproduce,' ... and that groups should go extinct. ... Group selection can maintain 'altruistic' alleles--i.e., alleles which reduce individual fitness but increase the fitness of groups carrying them. The conditions under which this can happen are stringent, so that the main debate concerns whether the process has had evolutionarily important consequences." ["Group Selection," Quarterly Review of Biology 51, No. 2 (Jun 1976): 277-83.]

Bowles and Gintis now return to this debate armed both with new models and new knowledge of the biology and behaviors of our ancestors. The increased puissance of the models derives both from several decades more thought by mathematical biologists armed with the insights provided by extensive computationally-intensive simulation of a kind not feasible in the 1970s. The knowledge of human descent has been augmented by extensive archeological discoveries, elucidated by powerful technologies for exploiting them, together with the entirely new study of human and animal genomes. The book provides a very extensive tour of all of this.

For all our gains in knowledge, there remain huge gaps in our picture of our ancestors and their lives. We still must rely a great deal on inferences that seem plausible in terms of the available evidence but could very well be wrong. It is not possible to say with certainty whether Maynard Smith's stringent conditions were in fact met in the course of human prehistory. Nevertheless, Bowles and Gintis make out a very colorable case that they were met, and that group selection thus endowed our species with its remarkable altruistic and cooperative tendencies. (They prefer to call it multi-level selection; while this seems more precise and descriptive I am not optimistic that it will become standard.)

As an aside, I should remark that this is a field whose terms, such as "altruism" and "strong reciprocity," have an unfortunate tendency to launch some people into hyperbolic rhetorical orbits, as we see in some of the reviews here. But this is really a book about behaviors and mechanisms, leaving us free to take our own views on values.

Bowles and Gintis, together and separately, have published many papers on the subjects treated in the book but so far as I can see the book very largely subsumes all their published work.

While I rather imagine that Bowles and Gintis have more than once felt quite lonely in their efforts, the question of group selection and its influence on the development of altruism has become quite a hot topic, with those taking the positive view having the wind at their back on the whole, at least for now. The evidence for this includes several other books that bear mention. Edward O. Wilson, who was one of those who argued most effectively against group selection from the biological perspective four decades ago, now has published The Social Conquest of Earth, which many of his sometime admirers see as shocking apostasy. Wilson goes briefly over the same ground as Bowles and Gintis but concentrates much of his attention on the case of social insects, his area of deepest expertise.

Wilson's book was preceded by a widely noted and very controversial paper which he co-authored with a prominent younger mathematical biologist, Martin Nowak, who now (with a co-author) has published SuperCooperators: Altruism, Evolution, and Why We Need Each Other to Succeed. This is a non-mathematical exploration of the insights from the mathematical modeling, with references to correlated biology.

Finally, I should mention Christopher Boehm's Moral Origins: The Evolution of Virtue, Altruism, and Shame. Boehm is a social anthropologist, not a biologist at all, who takes up another argument offered by Darwin, that peer pressure and reputation played a decisive role in the evolution of altruism. Boehm does not offer any of the formal game-theoretic models that Bowles and Gintis use (and that underlie Nowak's book), and Bowles and Gintis do seek to use models to deny reputation a place in altruism's evolution. I do not see them as having entirely undermined Boehm's points and I suggest we will see more on the subject.

No doubt we will see much more on the whole issue of altruism's evolution. Surely we have yet to hear the last of the anti-group selection camp, and there is ample room in any event for further discoveries and resulting arguments. But this book seems bound to have continuing importance. It certainly is true that the book is anything but light reading. It's a deep, dense book, but it well repays the effort involved.
13 von 14 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
A remarkable synthesis 24. Juni 2012
Von Peter Godfrey-Smith - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format: Gebundene Ausgabe Verifizierter Kauf
This book puts together an overall picture of human cooperation and its evolution, drawing on evolutionary theory, anthropology, experimental and theoretical economics, computer modeling, and much else. The book is also well-informed on the philosophical side too (philosophy is my own field). A central role is played in the book by experiments which are taken to show that humans tend to have strong 'social preferences.' As well as caring for our own welfare, we have quite elaborate preferences about the welfare of others, both positive and negative. It is a mistake to see human behavior as fundamentally self-interested - or self-interested except in contexts where our biological relatives are involved. Instead B&G want to build an evolutionary story that takes seriously the deeply social character of human psychology. This leads to them to argue for a central role for competition between groups in our evolutionary history - direct competition in warfare, and competition over resources. A lot of the book is concerned with the construction of formal models of how various social behaviors could evolve in a context where both within-group and between-group interactions are important.

The way that B&G pull together material from the fields listed above (economics, biology, anthropology...) is very impressive. What is especially striking is the level of detail with which they draw on each field. The book is a coherent and argumentative synthesis of very diverse traditions of work. To me, the balance of the book was not quite right. The weight put on the models was a little excessive. There are just so many models developed, in considerable detail, and I think the book could have been a little stronger if a smaller number of models had been given more attention, and if a little more space was given to the empirical side. Some of the models belong in journal articles rather than this book. This is a minor complaint, but I worry that some readers might devour the first few chapters and then get bogged down in the middle, not making it to the end. This would be a shame, as some of the most interesting material comes at the end - including the very final pages. So if would recommend skipping rather than stopping, if the reader finds the middle of the book too model-heavy.
7 von 7 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Fascinating topic, ultra-academic style 19. Juli 2011
Von Matthias Berg - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format: Gebundene Ausgabe
I was really looking forward to reading this book. One of the questions that keep haunting me is: how is it possible that the same species that David Livingston Smith called (correctly) "The Most Dangerous Animal" (dangerous for other members of its own species, that is!) is at the same time one of the most cooperative species of the world, surpassed only by eusocial insects and maybe naked moles? This book, I hoped, would give me some hint to solve this conundrum. And it did.

But first a warning : When the book finally arrived, I leafed through it - and was tempted to send it back immediately. Mathematical formulas and equations, lots of, crawling like little black spiders on every second page! Math makes me sick. I haven't got any mathematical education beyond the rule of three (and I'm not proud of it, believe me), so I tackled the book with more trepidation than hope. Unfortunately, the style also lived up to my worst fears: hardcore scientific prose you normally expect in journals like "Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology" or "Journal of Economic Theory". I never read these publications, a trait I share with the majority of Amazon customers, I guess.
It's not a book for somebody with a diploma in, say, philosophy or literature, who just happens to be interested in the question "Why are humans such a cooperative species?". It's a book written by two experts for their fellow experts, and unless readers are well versed in economic or game theory they will have to content themselves with reading for gist.

So I just kept skipping the parts with the math and tried to make sense of the rest. And now for the good news: The rest does make sense. It gave me some hints to look for an answer to the maddening ambivalence of human nature I mentioned above. The hint, in a nutshell, is something like: Take confrontation and cooperation as two sides of the same coin. The term Bowles/Gintis coined for this ambivalence is "parochial altruism".

There are in principle two ways of explaining human altruism.
(A) Altruism is only skin-deep. Selfishness always lurks behind nice appearances. For instance Trivers' "reciprocal altruism", a misnomer, because no genuine altruism is involved. People, according to this approach, expect (sub-consciously) to be repaid sooner or later. If somebody helps a total stranger, with no prospect of being repaid, this theory explains it as a kind of "Big Mistake". Because humans spent most of their history living in small groups based on kinship the human mind even today, in an anonymous situation, acts as if it still were in the pleistocene, helping not some stranger but a relative or some guy he or she will probably meet again sooner or later. Scratch my back, and I'll scratch yours. See you. Genuine altruism today therefore would be a kind of misfiring in a situation unknown to the old mental moduls that still govern our behavior. Bowles/Gintis show that this "Big-Mistake-Hypothesis" cannot be true because even in the Pleistocene humans had plenty of contact with strangers. The picture of small and closed bands (based on kinship) of stone-age people is a myth.

(B) Bowles/Gintis argue that altruism can be genuine. But if altruism is defined as a behavior that increases the fitness of the recipient and that is costly to those practicing altruism - how can it spread? Because evolution is a game that dispenses with rules other than natural laws, being nice has to pay off, or it will disappear. What, according to Bowles/Gintis, is the mecanism that assures the success of altruism? Their answer is: group-selection. The whole argument of the book, as far as I can see, hinges on the question whether group-selection, or multi-level-selection as it is often called today, works or doesn'nt. That's the point where the mathematical models come in and where I drop out.

The prerequisite for group-selection to be effective is that selection within groups is reduced compared to selection between groups. The picture that emerges from the model is that groups who managed to reduce internal strife and competition by inventing and promoting cultural "leveling mechanisms" will act as units of selection and will outcompete groups with more selfish members. The competition, suppressed or reduced within groups, will increase between groups. Humans developed a special kind of groupishness: Being unconditionally altruistic towards their own people, being even eager to punish freeriders of the own group, even if the punishment is costly for themselves, while at the same time acting xenophobically towards other groups. The parochial quality of unconditional (not reciprocal!) cooperation is the necessary condition of genuine altruism to prevail.

Unfortunately, I'm in no position to decide whether the scientific arguments forwarded by Bowles and Gintis, based on mathematical models, hold true or not. On this question, I declare myself incompetent. But I'd say that everybody who is interested in human evolution should read this book, even without competence in higher math, because the idea is fascinating that in human history it was groups rather than individuals who were selected for or against. And that it was and still is culture that formed groups in a way as to making them act as units of selection. I think that culture and its group-forming force is the part of the picture that Dawkins and the gene-centered view of evolution missed ("memetics" doesn't explain anything).

Just one final remark: Herbert Gintis is one of the top reviewers of Amazon, and it's always a pleasure to read his commentaries. They are written in a clear, accessible style. If only this book was written a bit more like his reviews. My wish would be : keep the jargon to the journals. Books like these are for interested layfolks. The math may be essential for the argument; the jargon certainly isn't. Therefore only four points.
2 von 2 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
Comprehensive equations of human cooperation 19. Januar 2014
Von Steve Benner - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format: Kindle Edition
"A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution" by Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (both Professors Emeritus at the University of Massachusetts Amherst) presents a mathematically rigorous exploration of various models for possible routes for the evolution of the levels of mutual and reciprocal cooperation common across almost all human societies. Their approach is systematic and comprehensive (from a mathematical and socio-economic point of view, at least) and does much to address and correct some of the holes in the more traditional lines of argument coming from the Dawkins' school of cultural geneticists. As such, the book's contents makes an interesting contrast to that of Mark Pagel's "Wired for Culture: The Natural History of Human Cooperation". But while much of the message in this book makes more sense (to my mind at least) than Pagel's, much of it will most likely lost on any reader unable to follow their dense mathematically based presentational style, which is more appropriate to journal article presentation than in book form.

The Kindle edition is moderately well produced, with plenty of hot links to hop you around between the various cross-referenced sections of the book. It is just a pity that there is the need to keep following them to piece together the authors' threads.
1 von 1 Kunden fanden die folgende Rezension hilfreich
In-depth mathematical analysis debunks many "conventional" theories 25. Juli 2013
Von C. Kollars - Veröffentlicht auf Amazon.com
Format: Taschenbuch
Interestingly, at the time I read this, there was not a single hardcopy in any library in my whole state. Hardcopies are now available for purchase, but whether or not they will be widely used I can't predict. This book unabashedly embraces a new electronic publishing and distribution model. I read the book on desktop computers; whether or not it's also easily available for ebook readers I don't know.

-----

The same as other current books on human cooperation (each of which has a different emphasis), the interest here is in "real altruism" (actions that help someone else but significantly hurt the helper, including even "saving someone else from drowning but drowning myself in the process"). The "you scratch my back and I'll scratch yours" sort of semi-cooperation may be of some interest in theory, but it's not what this book (and others) are about. (Also --although the book doesn't say this-- my personal suspicion is such reciprocal altruism would be a much slipperier subject to define crisply and model mathematically:-)

The authors of "A Cooperative Species" have gotten pretty deep into modeling human cooperation, deep enough to offer authoritative (and often unintuitive) answers to lots of questions about it. They use purely mathematical models wherever closed form solutions are possible, but also dip pretty deeply into computer simulation --using very similar models-- whenever necessary. The explications present "just enough" of the mathematics to replicate (and maybe extend?) each inquiry, but no more. Especially abstruse mathematics that would interrupt the flow of the presentation are relegated to appendices.

Even "just enough" though is more mathematics than most books for the general public present. Although not anywhere near the mathematical depth one would find in primary source research papers, potential readers that are hugely allergic to equations probably won't be comfortable here. The necessary switches back and forth from closed form mathematics to computer simulations are adequately documented, but not emphasized. In fact, it would be easy for someone not sensitive to the difference to read the whole book and not even realize two different mathematical techniques were being used.

The first conclusion that I found really striking is that _none_ of the conventional explanations for altruism (hello "inclusive fitness":-) seems even remotely possible when detailed mathematical models are fully worked out and parameters (band size, band stability, inmigration, outmigration, etc.) are set by referring to the actual historical record.

The possible costs and development of "punishment" of other band members for not behaving altruistically is covered extensively. In fact, if I had read this book in a vacuum I would have been frustrated that so much space continued to be dedicated to the topic even after I was ready to "move on". I knew though from other reading that "punishment" is a major bone of contention in the field, and that some other current books present very different views. With that background, I was glad of the very thorough and in depth analysis.

So, if it's not any of the conventional explanations, then just what can explain altruism? The authors present one likely theory: One part of the recipe is an additional selection factor that's tied to group membership (I'm not sure the term "group selection" is exactly right here, but in the absence of anything better, that term will do.) Another part of the recipe is that helping behavior within a band makes the whole band noticeably better (at hunting? at warfare? at distributing food?) when compared to other bands. Yet another part is "punishment" by some other band members for not acting sufficiently altruistically. And the last part of the recipe is a fairly significant level of lethal conflict between bands ("lethal" not necessarily in the sense that the losers are killed, but rather in the sense that the losing band cedes their territory and exits from the gene pool) This is just a very bare (and inaccurate) sketch; the book presents both the models and the reasoning in _much_ more detail.

A more disturbing proposal is that for most people when deciding how to behave most of the time, "cultural norms" work better than "thinking it out". The image I got in the extreme was that a lot of "jingoistic" behavior (provided the jingoism happened to be reasonably well aligned with reality) was the most effective. The evidence here, compared to the earlier analysis of why altruism, seemed to me rather thin and a good candidate for "further research". To my mind this brings up a whole host of further questions: Where do cultural norms come from? How can cultural norms be changed? How long and how strong a force is needed to realign cultural norms with a new economic reality? These questions probably fall more in the field of sociology than in the field of genetics. Nevertheless my personal feeling is the authors' rigorous mathematical approach would be valuable.

Another intriguing question that's only covered glancingly is the possibility that size has changed so much that cooperation isn't relevant any more. The whole globe has become inhabited, global communication times aren't years any more, and effective nation-states have gotten larger. In the process we may have passed a point where all of the analysis in this book falls apart, and either cooperation as we know it is no longer at all useful, or cultural norms can no longer keep pace with reality (so which group's cultural norms better match reality has become purely a matter of chance).
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