Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire [Englisch] [Taschenbuch]

This book has placed forward a very important thesis on the current state of American affairs, and a rather accurate one. Cruise Missile foreign policy and economic brinksmanship have certainly dominated U.S. policy in this decade, and it is a very dangerous game to play. If anyone doubts Mr. Johnson's theory, then they should perhaps take a closer look at the countries and situations he had included into his writing, from China and Japan, which he knows intimately, to the politics and policies of the end of the Cold War. Johnson is not an isolationist, and neither am I, but the fact remains that America is in a new stage of psuedo-imperialism, only without even the containment justifications of the Cold War. You need only to look at Iraq and the Balkans to see the truth. That, and the economic information that the author provides is excellent.

In the end, I do not agree with all of Johnson's statements, such as the brief analysis of Pentagon spending (his statement concerning the F-15 fighter being unmatched is flawed, consideringt he proliferation of agile Su-27/33 fighter in China). However, his thesis holds up, and his opinions are fundamentally sound. Not a single statement is made that cannot be backed up with hard evidence and plain old history.

Having spent 30 years overseas in the places he describes, Viet Nam (68-71, Okinawa (71, 86 to 90), Japan, Saudi Arabia (Gulf War), Iran (during the Sha), Indonesia (in 97), Malaysia (98-99), Singapore (97-99) as both an instrument of U.S. policy (USMC) and a businessman I concur with his view of the situation.

This book should be required reading for all federal government officials (elected or appointed) and all state department personnel.

Chalmers Johnson in this book is a candle raging against the darkness.

With the end of the Cold War, most of the world is left with a hangover from that conflict. The "blowback" which you refer to in your book, will largely occur in America's loss of global leadership. China has concentrated its efforts on economic development and has no stomach for a war with America. Against America's wishes, both France and Russia have signed strategic partnership agreements with China. Even the British who still retain billions of pounds in investment in Hong Kong have no stomach for isolating China. Likewise, the Canadians who have actively recruited millions of skilled Chinese immigrants in recent years retain excellent diplomatic relations with Beijing. If the Washington consensus can't even count on the British and Canadians to condemn China in the United Nations, who can Washington depend on to isolate China.

After years of futile economic and trade sanctions, American corporations are desperate to compete for lucrative contracts in China lost to European and Japanese competitors. America's former cold war allies largely just ignore the Washington consensus on China policy. Though ethnic ties with overseas Chinese communities, China is expanding its sphere of influence across Southeast Asia. If American corporations want to do business in Asia, they need to pay their respects to Beijing. Clearly, the Washington consensus is confused about how to respond to China growing economic and political influence. The upcoming debate on China's entry into the WTO will surely highlight all of America's foreign policy contradictions in the post cold war era. Ultimately, the Washington consensus will have no choice but to give China more breathing space to grow and expand.