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The Assault on Reason [Taschenbuch]

Al Gore
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Produktinformation

  • Taschenbuch: 320 Seiten
  • Verlag: Penguin (Non-Classics); Auflage: Reprint (29. April 2008)
  • Sprache: Englisch
  • ISBN-10: 0143113623
  • ISBN-13: 978-0143113621
  • Größe und/oder Gewicht: 21,3 x 13,5 x 2 cm
  • Durchschnittliche Kundenbewertung: 4.0 von 5 Sternen  Alle Rezensionen anzeigen (5 Kundenrezensionen)
  • Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 199.215 in Englische Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Englische Bücher)
  • Komplettes Inhaltsverzeichnis ansehen

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Al Gore
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Produktbeschreibungen

Amazon.com

The first question many people ask when hearing of a new book from Al Gore is, "Is it about the environment?" The answer is yes, but it's not (or, rather, not only) the kind of environment he wrote about in Earth in the Balance and of course painted such a vivid picture of in his Oscar-winning documentary (and companion book), An Inconvenient Truth. It's the political environment he's concerned about in The Assault on Reason: the way we debate and decide on the critical issues of the day. In an account that balances theoretical discussion of the foundations of democracy with a lacerating critique of the Bush administration, Gore argues that the marketplace of reasoned debate our country was founded on is being endangered by a variety of allied forces: the use of fear and the misuse of faith, the distractions of our entertainment culture, and the concentrations of power in the national media and the executive branch. In his essay and answers to our questions below, he introduces the crisis he sees, as well as the opportunity for its solution he envisions in the open forums of the Internet.

A Message from Al Gore to Amazon.com Readers

I've dedicated my book, The Assault on Reason, to my father, Senator Albert Gore Sr., the bravest politician I've ever known. In the 1970 mid-term elections, President Richard Nixon relied on a campaign of fear to consolidate his power. I was in the military at the time, on my way to Vietnam as an army journalist, and I watched as my father was accused of being unpatriotic because he was steadfast in his opposition to the War--and as he was labeled an atheist because he dared to oppose a constitutional amendment to foster government-sponsored prayer in the public schools. The 1970 campaign is now regarded by political historians as a watershed, marking a sharp decline in the tone of our national discourse--a decline that has only worsened in recent years as fear has become a more powerful political tool than trust, public consumption of entertainment has dramatically surpassed that of serious news, and blind faith has proven more potent than truth.

We are at a pivotal moment in American democracy. The persistent and sustained reliance on falsehoods as the basis of policy, even in the face of evidence to the contrary, has reached levels that were previously unimaginable. It's too easy and too partisan to simply place the blame on the policies of President George W. Bush. We are all responsible for the decisions our country makes.

Reasoned, focused discourse is vital to our democracy to ensure a well-informed citizenry. But this is difficult in an environment in which we are experiencing a new pattern of serial obsessions that periodically take over the airwaves for weeks at a time--from the O.J. Simpson and Michael Jackson trials to Paris Hilton and Anna Nicole Smith.

Never has it been more vital for us to face the reality of our long-term challenges, from the climate crisis to the war in Iraq to the deficits and health and social welfare. Today, reason is under assault by forces using sophisticated techniques such as propaganda, psychology, and electronic mass media. Yet, democracy's advocates are beginning to use their own sophisticated techniques: the Internet, online organizing, blogs, and wikis. Although the challenges we face are great, I am more confident than ever before that democracy will prevail and that the American people are rising to the challenge of reinvigorating self-government. It is my great hope that those who read my book will choose to become part of a new movement to rekindle the true spirit of America.

Questions for Al Gore

Amazon.com:Of all I've read and seen on climate change, I don't think anything has had quite the impact on me that those vivid maps of shrinking coastlines did in An Inconvenient Truth. You've spent years trying to communicate the threat of climate change and you've learned how to use compelling images to tell that story, but in this book you're very wary of the power of visual images to overwhelm reason with fear. How do you spur people to action in a crisis like this without using fear?

Gore: I often open the slideshow by talking about the "climate crisis." The English meaning of the word "crisis" conveys alarm, but the Chinese and Japanese expressions use two characters together: the first means danger, but the second means opportunity. The animations do help to convey some of that sense of danger--but the opportunities are enormous. We are beginning to see companies taking advantage of the new markets that are emerging as they innovate and put to market the technologies that we need to solve this crisis. Some have become ubiquitous, like the hybrid electric engine and compact fluorescent light bulb. There are thousands of opportunities like this all around us if governments will show the type of bold leadership that we need--and work with industry to exploit these opportunities.

Amazon.com: You describe two problems with television culture: it's a top-down system in which, as you say, "Individuals receive, but they cannot send," and its physiological vividness allows it to bypass our reason. The user-created communities that seem so promising on the Internet would seem to solve the first problem, but what about the second?

Gore: There are a number of barriers for individuals who want to communicate over TV. The major networks won't give average Americans a voice, and it is virtually impossible to start a channel. One solution, that I have worked on with my partner, Joel Hyatt, is the creation of Current TV, where viewers can submit content over the Internet to air on the channel.

With regards to the Internet, anyone with access to a computer and broadband can create a website or blog and post content. They can send information into the public forum. Of course, we need to continue to work to bridge the digital divide, to ensure that we expand the access of people to the Internet, but the threshold for entry is much lower than that of television.

Amazon.com: You're the chairman of Current TV, the interactive cable channel aimed at young people. Can you talk about the challenges of constructing a platform where the kind of substantive dialogue you are looking for can take place?

Gore: One of the things I talk about in the book is infotainment--the "well-amused" audience that is bombarded with the latest programming about O.J. Simpson, or JonBenet Ramsey, or Anna Nicole Smith. What we are trying to do, in part, is to provide a public forum for viewers to submit content about issues of concern to them. And they have, by the thousands, on issues from the war in Iraq to the environment to education and others. I am continually amazed by both the quality of the submissions and the breadth and depth of the subject matter.

Amazon.com: You have a chapter on the importance of checks and balances in government (in a sense, that's what the whole book is about), and we're seeing the effect that active oversight from Congress is having right now. For most of your eight years in office, you and Bill Clinton had to work with a Republican Congress. I'm sure that at times (say, 1998) that had its frustrations, but do you think it was valuable to have that balance, or did it prevent you from doing what you came into office to do?

Gore: Checks and balances are vital to the functioning of our system of government. Of course it can have its frustrations, but the Founders intended that we have a system whereby no one branch has too much control over the others. Ultimately, it is up to voters to decide the control of Congress and the White House and then for elected officials to work to serve the public interest and to try to implement policies that serve the country. These are core values that are at the heart of who we are as a nation.

Amazon.com: I wanted to ask about the Office of the Vice President. I think it's safe to say that the last two vice presidents, you and Dick Cheney, have been the most powerful and influential in our history. Why do you think that is?

Gore: I think the answer is very different in the two administrations, but in a world that is truly globalized, with a broader information ecology, with challenges ranging from a more complex system of international issues ranging from the climate crisis to asymmetric attacks, it is not a surprise that a President might choose to draw upon more advice from the office of the vice president than in the past. This is a trend that I would expect to continue under future presidents, as the range of the demands on the presidency will not diminish over time.

-- Dieser Text bezieht sich auf eine andere Ausgabe: Gebundene Ausgabe .

From Publishers Weekly

Starred Review. As scathing as it is meticulous, Gore's treatise on reason juggernauts its way through the Bush administration, never even needing to include the controversial nature of Bush's presidential elections. He identifies the growing concentration of power in the executive branch virtually ignored by mainstream media. Drawing on the great political philosophers of history and his lengthy career in government, Gore contends that the loss of a genuine public forum in the age of radio and television has led to the decay of democracy. He delivers a serious critique of the United States tempered by hope and faith in the restoration of checks and balances. The articulated venom of Gore's words can be heard in Patton's voice as he narrates. He reads with an intensity that makes this already engaging prose compelling. Patton maintains a distinct smooth and edgy voice, but maintains a cadence that reminds listeners of Gore's own speaking mannerisms. In quoting historical figures, Patton's voice is distinct but not haughty or pompous. The combination of Patton's performance and Gore's words make this an impressive audiobook.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. -- Dieser Text bezieht sich auf eine andere Ausgabe: Audio CD .

In diesem Buch (Mehr dazu)
Einleitungssatz
Not long before our nation launched the invasion of Iraq, our longest-serving senator, Robert Byrd of West Virginia, stood on the Senate floor and said: "This Chamber is, for the most part, silentominously, dreadfully silent. Lesen Sie die erste Seite
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4.0 von 5 Sternen Documenting the Birth and Dangers of the American Age of Passively Accepting Authority, 23. Mai 2007
Von 
Donald Mitchell "Jesus Loves You!" (Thanks for Providing My Reviews over 110,000 Helpful Votes Globally) - Alle meine Rezensionen ansehen
(TOP 500 REZENSENT)   
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Assault on Reason (Gebundene Ausgabe)
The American political scene has shifted greatly since 2000 in ways that most Republicans like and most Democrats do not. Although Al Gore's title suggests a broader topic, The Assault on Reason focuses on the Bush methods of running the government and the Republican Party. As you might imagine, Al Gore doesn't like anything about what has happened.

If you were to boil this book down into one single idea, it would be this: Absolute power corrupts absolutely and is a danger to us all. Gore takes the point of view that the Bush administration has been and is mostly about gaining and holding power in order to reward Republicans and those who pay for Republicans to be elected.

As examples, Gore cites the following evidence:

1. The administration always knew that there never was any connection between terrorist attacks and Iraq (nor any threat of weapons of mass destruction being produced in Iraq), but made invading Iraq a high priority for pursuing its oil-focused strategy of controlling the Middle East where major oil companies and contributing contractors have been rewarded.

2. The Bush administration seeks to maximize fear of terrorism to gain ever more power for itself, usually by ignoring the limits on government power in the Constitution.

3. Fund-raising for Congressional Republicans is now controlled by the White House so the administration hasn't had any oversight from either party in Congress, a sharp departure from past practices.

4. When the president signs a new piece of legislation, he almost always indicates that he won't follow the law that was enacted (this has occurred over 1000 times). As a result, President Bush operates as though he is free from any legal restraint, including treaties that the United States has signed and honored for decades.

5. The Justice Department has been used to punish political enemies rather than seeking to enforce the law in a fair way.

6. Judges (who are supposed to be independent) are threatened with violent rhetoric and having their courts discontinued while they are wooed by special interests at high-priced seminars that serve as vacations.

7. Special interests that support Republicans make all the Bush policy decisions in secret, often contrary to the best evidence of what's in the public interest.

Against this backdrop of raw political hardball, Gore points out that the electorate isn't in the ball game. Most people don't know that Congress and the courts are supposed to be a restraint on presidential power. About half the electorate still thinks Saddam Hussein was the guiding force behind the terrorist attacks on 9/11. People prefer to see news reports about celebrities than news reports about public issues. When the president sponsors legislation that says it's a "Clean Air Act" hardly anyone knows that the bill will actually make air dirtier.

What's the diagnosis?

1. Restore balance between the powers of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government.

2. Start debating major decisions with emphasis on looking carefully at the best evidence.

3. Re-establish the rule of law.

Those ideas will be appealing to those who are deeply steeped in the history of how the U.S. government evolved. But in the last 40 years, schools have done little to teach about how government is supposed to operate. Polls show that many people favor having the government run like a CEO leads a private company, with no role for the legislators, judges, and citizens.

I think the remedy has to be a lot more fundamental, starting with recreating a consensus on what it means to be a citizen of the United States, what proper government behavior is, and what the United States wants to stand for in the world.

The book has three weaknesses that you should keep in mind when you read it:

1. There's no discussion of the inherent problems of having political parties in the government system that our founding fathers created. The original idea they had was to avoid parties. The solution lasted about as long as John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were able to stay friends. Much of what Gore decries is an outgrowth of greater partisan battling. What's to stop a continuing escalation of that trend?

2. In the area of public debate, Gore relies a lot on the idea that experts usually know the answers. But that's not always true. In addition, what the experts know if often incomprehensible to everyone else. How effectively can you debate such technical issues when most government leaders were primarily trained to be lawyers and the general electorate has little technical knowledge?

3. The essence of getting elected is to create a temporary coalition of voters. Voters mostly look for "someone like me." That's a pretty big disconnect between proposing an approach to having philosopher-kings (of the sort that Plato liked to write about) who even-handedly make careful decisions that benefit everyone.

You may also find yourself wanting to snooze a bit as Gore describes brain physiology to explain why television is the guilty party for many of our anti-thinking woes.

But, all in all, this is a book that should spark a lot of public discussion. That would be good.

If you don't know much about the political theory behind our methods of governing over the last 200 years and the history of the U.S. government, this book will be even more enlightening. Gore is at his best in citing sources that capture the essence of those perspectives.
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4.0 von 5 Sternen Stemming the erosive tide, 29. Dezember 2007
Von 
Stephen A. Haines (Ottawa, Ontario Canada) - Alle meine Rezensionen ansehen
(REAL NAME)   
Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Assault on Reason (Gebundene Ausgabe)
Erosion is a subtle force. Quiet and persistent, the force wears away an object until it fades away or suffers catastrophic collapse. Al Gore sees an erosive force chipping away the foundation of his nation. Reason and informed decision-making, he argues, have been replaced by the politics of fear. With unprecedented threats raised - even successfully launched against his country - he accepts that fear has become a significant part of the social and political scene. However, he contends, fear must not blind people nor divert them from seeking truthful answers to pertinent questions. Among those queries is the highly pertinent one of whether the US was led into a war by lies and deceptions. The invasion of Iraq was sanctioned by fear rather than reasoned examination of its causes.

Gore's opening chapter discusses the politics of fear and why the brain sustains it. The presentation can only be described as "clinical". One can only wonder why Gore thought it useful to open the book with this examination of brain mechanisms, instead of offering the information in an appendix. It is accurate, and certainly pertinent, but those who sympathise with the author's concerns don't truly need the cognitive science. Those who fail to see the threat of the politics of fear will either ignore the science or reject its meaning. How the brain reasons is of no concern to them. They only wish to apply ways of controlling the process. This type of start is not a good method of recruiting readers to a cause - it will only confuse them at the outset.

The remainder of the book is essential reading for anybody concerned with today's political environment. Gore argues that communication in today's world has undergone a severe departure from past practices. Once, communication between politicians, in or contending for office, was based on two-way communication. Electronic methods shifted the mechanism to broadcaster and listener/viewer. As radio permitted European dictators to rise and control the flow of information, television has made one-way communication stronger than ever. The politics of fear relies on gaining control of what people think about, and TV has been a major force in that process, Gore argues. The politics of fear extend their reach far beyond a war instigated by deception. He shows how the Bush administration has used that power to promote some policies while diverting attention from others. Illegal surveillance tactics, intrusion into personal life and favouritism toward special interests have become endemic.

The process has been so effective that the proportion of the US population believing Iraq possessed WMDs at the time of the invasion has only dropped to almost half from three-quarters. That, in view of total lack of evidence to support the belief. Yet, favoured businesses and other special interests have continued to benefit. A staunch patriot, the author sees the loss of reasoned discourse in viewing these matters as a serious threat to the future of his country. How far can the politics of fear take a modern nation, and what can be done about it?

It's a pity that the author's focus is so tight. He describes the rise of 20th Century European dictators, but fails to note commonality in anything but method. The Prime Minister of Britain led his nation along the same path to an unjustified war using the same tactics, while Canada escaped involvement by a hair's breadth. Where Gore's sight is limited in one area, it's a bit overextended in another. It's nice to have a background to work from, and the author's political capabilities contain a genetic base. Still, the number of personal asides in this book are mostly unwarranted and contribute little. A "campaign-style" statement of methods to improve reasoned dialogue in his nation wouldn't have gone amiss. While he sees a combination of TV and the Internet as a useful means, both remain in the pockets of the very special interests he disparages. A book very worthy of reading, but hardly the final word on a subject with such broad implications. The diminishment of reason is another "inconvenient truth" we must all restrain as it floods our society, but this book is only the first sandbag. [stephen a. haines - Ottawa, Canada]
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4.0 von 5 Sternen Die verlorene Vernunft, 8. März 2010
Von 
Mario Pf. (Oberösterreich) - Alle meine Rezensionen ansehen
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Rezension bezieht sich auf: The Assault on Reason (Taschenbuch)
Retrospektiv gesehen war die Ära Bush ein Angriff auf die Vernunft, der durch einen solchen möglich wurde. Dass sich Al Gore am Ende von Bush Präsidentschaft schließlich dazu durchgerungen hat Bilanz zu ziehen, macht "The Assault on Reason" umso interessanter, regt sich doch der starke Verdacht der Friedensnobelpreisträger würde sich bestätigt fühlen, dass er der bessere Präsident gewesen wäre und scharfzüngig eine Auflistung von Verfehlungen der Bush-Administration vorlegen. Doch den Gefallen will Al Gore Fans des humoristischen Stils eines Michael Moore nicht tun und gibt sich, wohl eher auf US-amerikanische Leser bedacht teils versöhnlich, wobei er immer wieder seinen starken Glauben betont, als würde er sich an eine Kirchengemeinde wenden.

Dabei ist vor allem der Einstieg in das Werk nicht allzu einfach, wofür jedoch weniger die Übersetzung, als vielmehr der ursprüngliche Stil und die Gedankengänge des Autors verantwortlich sein dürften. "Worauf will Al Gore hinaus?", könnte man sich fragen, wenn er von persönlichen Anekdoten in wissenschaftliche Theorien und politische Analysen wechselt. Hat man diese Phase überstanden und endlich den Zugang gefunden, erschließt sich der Rest quasi von selbst, auch wenn es einem Gore nicht allzu leicht macht.

Das Fernsehen hat die Art und Weise wie wir uns informieren grundlegend verändert und unseren Horizont durchaus geschmälert. Als ehemaliger US-Senator kennt Al Gore die Wahlkampfmaschinerie, welche diese Zustände ausnutzt, bestens. Die politische Information findet in großen Teilen der Bevölkerung etwa nur noch über jene 30-Sekunden-Fernsehspots statt, die zur Essenz eines jeden Wahlkampfs geworden sind. Ohne sie geht es scheinbar nicht mehr und um sie zu bezahlen, müssen Politiker einen Großteil ihrer Arbeitszeit darauf verwenden, Spender zu finden, die ihnen das nötige Kleingeld überlassen. Im Gegenzug werden dafür Gefälligkeiten gefordert, die von da an die Positionierung des Volksvertreters bestimmen, der dabei immer weniger Zeit für seine Wähler findet. Als Ausgleich zum fehlenden Kontakt zu den Wählern wird mit demografischen Zahlenspielen erreicht, was vorher schon durchgerechnet wurde. Hinter der Politik der Gefühle und Sympathien, steckt herzlose Berechnung, einer anderen Form der Vernunft.

Für Al Gore ist dieser Trend der Politik verantwortlich für die Verbrechen gegen die Vernunft, welche die Bush-Administration schließlich begangen hat. Es ist eine Abkehr von der Sachpolitik zu einem Schauspiel getragen von Sympathiewerten, Lobbys, Slogans und Lügen. Die Vernunft auf die sich die Verfassung stützt und von den Gründervätern als Fundament der USA gesehen wurde, ist am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts fast verloren gegangen. Politik hat sich von der Rationalität eines Abwägens des Für und Widers, der Kosten und Auswirkungen, in ein irrationales Wechselspiel der Ideologien und Klientelinteressen verwandelt. Und um das zu illustrieren wendet sich Al Gore dann doch den Beispielen aus der Ära Bush zu, um zu belegen wie Vertreter und Lobbyisten von Industrien, die bekanntermaßen gegen Umweltschutz auftreten und einschlägige Studien unterstützen, schließlich Schlüssel- und Spitzenfunktionen in der Umweltschutzbehörde EPA erlangen konnten. Oder wie Bush in Anlehnung an Nixon ("Wenn es der Präsident tut, ist es nicht illegal") sich als über der Verfassung stehend proklamierte, was bei vielen Amerikanern eigentlich als größtmöglicher Verrat an den Idealen des Landes gesehen werden müsste und die einstige Abkehr vom Absolutismus einer Monarchie ("Der Staat bin ich selbst", soll Louis XIV. behauptet haben) ad absurdum führte, ja sogar die checks und balances außer Kraft setzte, die eben auch verhindern sollten, dass der US-Präsident als gewählter absolutistischer Herrscher agieren könnte.

Man kann Al Gores Motive dieses Buch zu schreiben in Zweifel ziehen, man kann ihm unterstellen, was man will, doch all das ändert nichts an der einleuchtenden und betrüblichen Wahrheit, die hinter seinen Worten steckt. Er überführt Präsident Bush eines Verrats an den Idealen der Gründerväter und zieht seine Haltung zur Verfassung, die der Präsident eigentlich geschworen hat zu verteidigen, schwer in Zweifel. Doch es ist eben kein tumbes und sehr populäres Bush-Bashing, in das sich der ehemalige Vizepräsident gestürzt hat, denn er geißelt aus seiner Position als Mann der gewissermaßen im Nachhinein behaupten kann, es von anfang besser gewusst zu haben, auch die Missstände, die Bushs Aufstieg ermöglicht haben und ihm seine zweite Amtszeit ermöglichten. Und da können wir auch als europäische Leser etwas wertvolles lernen, nämlich wie leicht wir uns manipulieren "lassen" und so den Erfolg jener PR-Strategien ermöglichen, denen wir tagtäglich als Konsumenten und Bürger ausgesetzt sind. Die größte Hoffnung für einen Wandel sieht der Friedensnobelpreisträger vor allem in einem neutralen und freien Internet, dass droht dem Fernsehen als Informationsquelle bald den Rang abzulaufen.

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